tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-82707931790328144662024-03-17T20:00:03.452-07:00Wide Urban WorldDiscussion of cities and urbanism from a broad historical and comparative perspective. Can ancient cities help us understand modern urban issues? What is universal about cities and what is particular to individual cities or regions or time periods?Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.comBlogger118125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-21602102842435838352024-01-21T12:51:00.000-07:002024-01-21T12:51:58.370-07:00Amazonian "Garden Urbanism": A skeptical account<div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTkt_vAMPikPVCGJHzfAS_H8_YlKE_5VkdNsvAS-GIe5yf6bZ_Pm6ZSirGJ2nvfMadJnz6NbyuIVoxmNABhU915fj9vmYYFvD253l-CmAu0Fdg3apqRIVruhc21cDlZbPv5iiBX8h6DaqlCef6UMQyd3qbOSSIE81oIbfIqJJrvBz_nSiMtceA5LadPKY/s682/RostainEtAl-24-Science.jpg" style="display: block; padding: 1em 0px; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="292" data-original-width="682" height="171" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTkt_vAMPikPVCGJHzfAS_H8_YlKE_5VkdNsvAS-GIe5yf6bZ_Pm6ZSirGJ2nvfMadJnz6NbyuIVoxmNABhU915fj9vmYYFvD253l-CmAu0Fdg3apqRIVruhc21cDlZbPv5iiBX8h6DaqlCef6UMQyd3qbOSSIE81oIbfIqJJrvBz_nSiMtceA5LadPKY/w400-h171/RostainEtAl-24-Science.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
This new paper in Science is getting alot of publicity, and people are asking for my views (<a href="https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adi6317" target="_blank">Rostain, et al. 2024)</a> The paper presents fascinating new evidence for a complex settlement system in the Upper Amazon. The press releases say how surprising these finds are, but similar systems have been reported for various parts of lowland South America over the past decade. If you doubt this, please check out the citations in the article for some of these. My perspective on these earlier sites is that Prumers et al (Prümers, et al. 2022) are persuasive in making a case for urbanism in the Bolivian Amazon, whereas the argument made by Heckenberger et al. for urbanism in the southern Amazon (Heckenberger 2013; Heckenberger 2009; Heckenberger, et al. 2008) is deficient.
Are these new sites “urban”? <div><br /></div><div>Follow me in a hypothetical situation here. Suppose you are an archaeologist who has found some complex settlements in a region (like Amazonia) whose indigenous inhabitants are traditionally thought not to have constructed urban or state societies. Here are two paths one might follow. First, you could read the literature on early urbanism, pay attention to how various concepts and models are operationalized in other regions, and then apply those insights to your data. You could test whether they match urban settlement in other areas, and explore whether urban concepts help advance knowledge of the setting. This would be a scientific approach to analysis and argumentation. Or, second, you could start by making a sensationalist claim that you have found urban sites, but without providing a definition of what you mean by urban. </div><div><br /></div><div> I will start with the first option (the one not followed by Rostain et al). The most widespread urban definition is the sociological definition from Louis Wirth: a city is a permanent settlement with high population, high density, and social heterogeneity. These sites are not populous enough or dense enough to qualify. The authors report a platform density within settlement of 125 platforms/km sq; that is 1.25 platforms per hectare. If these were houses (the authors say this), and then at 5 persons per house, the density would have been 6 persons/ha, which is about the same as Tikal and other Maya cities. This low density is not too surprising; Maya cities also fail to fit Wirth’s definition. What about the alternative functional definition? Cities are settlement that contain activities and institutions that affect a broader hinterland (these are called ‘urban functions’). Maya settlements certainly fit here; palaces (and epigraphy) signal political rulership that extended beyond individual capitals, and big temple-pyramids signal religious functions, if people came from nearby smaller sites to ceremonies. These definitions are reviewed by lots of authors; for my contributions, see: (Smith 2020; Smith 2023:chapter 1).</div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzqr9rWpRI5urh5Dfm_5Kw1UUUeNGSpM2jLP73VHZI2TKfgTYr6IZb9Ia19rLAcgrL9r3HGokoAgJEkSQztkdRKY5hMcnKuQtETgb4NYWPXaNSdv1DjyzjXascDJGB2TvyDR_5FPHr7PKPO0Y8tY4oflicX0XNKMBgOSi2dMPbLutCDIfJMX6eHDUdalk/s800/RostainEtAl-24-Map.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Map of Kilampoe site" border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="486" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzqr9rWpRI5urh5Dfm_5Kw1UUUeNGSpM2jLP73VHZI2TKfgTYr6IZb9Ia19rLAcgrL9r3HGokoAgJEkSQztkdRKY5hMcnKuQtETgb4NYWPXaNSdv1DjyzjXascDJGB2TvyDR_5FPHr7PKPO0Y8tY4oflicX0XNKMBgOSi2dMPbLutCDIfJMX6eHDUdalk/w242-h400/RostainEtAl-24-Map.jpg" title="Plan of Kilamope" width="242" /></a></div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div>So, we can ask whether Sangay (the largest and most complex of the reported sites) had urban functions? The authors fail to present evidence for this. They make a claim that the various sites, large and small, showed “architectural and spatial homogeneity” (p.186). That would be a strong argument AGAINST an urban interpretation, since one of the features of urbanism is that different kinds of settlements have different kinds of activities and institutions. If Sangay had the same set of public buildings and spatial layout as smaller sites, I’m not sure how one could justify the label urban. </div><div><br /></div><div>Anyway, these are just some things that I would investigate if I were working with the data on these sites. They are certainly fascinating sites, and a site does not have to be considered “urban” for it to be interesting and important. Indeed, one of the features of my own theoretical approach to urbanism is that it is more productive to investigate a wide range of sites for urban and urban-like features than to try to police the boundaries of urbanism to find ways to keep out certain early sites. See my book on this approach (Smith 2023) </div><div><br /></div><div> The second option—to make a sensationalist claim that one has found urban sites, without bothering to define urban or its material manifestations—is the one followed by Rostain et al. This may have led them to submit to the journal Science, whose coverage of archaeology has long emphasized sensational finds over scientific rigor (see my earlier posts, on the blog Publishing Archaeology, on problems with archaeological coverage in Science:: <a href="https://publishingarchaeology.blogspot.com/2012/01/rejected-by-science_27.html" target="_blank">Post, "Rejected by Science"</a> <a href="https://publishingarchaeology.blogspot.com/2018/03/how-archaeology-is-distorted-by-science.html" target="_blank">post: "How archaeology is distorted by Science magazine"</a>). The authors close the paper with the claim that the areas of the central zones “are comparable in size to those of other great cultures of the past, such as Mexican Teotihuacan or the Egyptian Giza Plateau (page 188). I'm not sure why this is of theoretical interest, or what it has to do with a claim of urbanism; to me it is a piece of information that does not help in the task of analyzing these sites. Maybe this claim made sense to the editor and the single reviewer. What if we make a comparison that does have some theoretical content? My diagram shows the height of some of the major pyramids of those other cultures, with the reported height at Sangay (4.5 m tall) shown in comparison. Why is this theoretically interesting? Read just about anything on early urbanism.</div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5Osi6BkygHNgCbe34qn_JpyAESEuoBEAUvJcoJbjbx8J4Sz1qKJvzJy68CqMn-tCa_rjGsieyv7fAepSBk2__4M9Lm8vd-fbq9SDSzGAi89kfvFROdIzL9wC5ZKevk0-Tfdgr7pyERNVoFKPwgIsT4-6Mkd79NWOAqaLgHDJnn__H9C1qWALgnsGwFNE/s1183/PyramidSizeComparisonForAmazon.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="graph of pyramid size" border="0" data-original-height="501" data-original-width="1183" height="203" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5Osi6BkygHNgCbe34qn_JpyAESEuoBEAUvJcoJbjbx8J4Sz1qKJvzJy68CqMn-tCa_rjGsieyv7fAepSBk2__4M9Lm8vd-fbq9SDSzGAi89kfvFROdIzL9wC5ZKevk0-Tfdgr7pyERNVoFKPwgIsT4-6Mkd79NWOAqaLgHDJnn__H9C1qWALgnsGwFNE/w478-h203/PyramidSizeComparisonForAmazon.jpg" title="I put the Sangay mound into this graph that I found on the internet" width="478" /></a></div><br /><div><br /></div><div>We seem to have another case where the journal Science has published an unscientific analysis. Perhaps if your definition of science for archaeology focuses on the use of scientific techniques from the natural sciences, then this is science. But if your view is that science is an epistemology—a way of generating knowledge based on precision and operationalization of concepts, based on testing of hypotheses, then this paper is hardly scientific in orientation. Some of my views on these concepts of science can be found in: (Smith 2017), and in the blog posts that preceded that paper. There are three posts; </div><div> <a href="https://publishingarchaeology.blogspot.com/2016/02/science-social-science-and-archaeology.html" target="_blank">"1: Science, social science & archaeology"</a></div><div><a href="https://publishingarchaeology.blogspot.com/2016/02/why-is-it-important-to-strive-for-more.html" target="_blank">"2: Why is it important to strive for a more scientific archaeology?"</a><br /></div><div><a href="https://publishingarchaeology.blogspot.com/2016/02/why-is-scientific-archaeology-so-hard.html" target="_blank">3: Why is a scientific archaeology so hard to achieve?"</a><br /></div><div><br /></div><div> Heckenberger, M (2013) Tropical Garden Cities: archaeology and memory in the Southern Amazon. Revista Cadernos do Ceom 26(38):185-207. </div><div>Heckenberger, MJ (2009) Lost Cities of the Amazon: The Amazon Tropical forest is not as Wild as it Looks. Scientific American 301(4, October):64-71. </div><div>Heckenberger, MJ, JC Russell, C Fausto, JR Toney, MJ Schmidt, E Pereira, B Franchetto and A Kuikuro (2008) Pre-Columbian Urbanism, Anthropogenic Landscapes, and the Future of the Amazon. Science 321:1214-1217. </div><div>Prümers, H, CJ Betancourt, J Iriarte, M Robinson and M Schaich (2022) Lidar reveals pre-Hispanic low-density urbanism in the Bolivian Amazon. Nature 606:325-328. </div><div><a href="https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adi6317" target="_blank">Rostain, S, A Dorison, G De Saulieu, H Prümers, J-L Le Pennec, F Mejía Mejía, AM Freire, JR Pagán-Jiménez and P Descola (2024) Two Thousand Years of Garden Urbanism in the Upper Amazon. Science (6679):183-189. </a></div><div><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/antiquity/article/abs/social-science-and-archaeological-enquiry/EA1F4587647C3693958594BA889A19DC" target="_blank">Smith, ME (2017) Social Science and Archaeological Inquiry. Antiquity 91(356):520-528</a>. </div><div><a href="https://www.brepolsonline.net/doi/pdf/10.1484/J.JUA.5.120907" target="_blank">Smith, ME (2020) Definitions and Comparisons in Urban Archaeology. Journal of Urban Archaeology 1:15-30. </a></div><div>Smith, ME (2023) Urban Life in the Distant Past: The Prehistory of Energized Crowding. Cambridge University Press, New York.
</div>Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-81696160885805003822023-07-21T15:17:00.000-07:002023-07-21T15:17:11.658-07:00Why I rarely get excited by news stories about ancient cities<p><span style="font-family: verdana;">There is a media story going around this week about the discovery of a new, "hidden Maya city." Here is the story in the NY Times: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/20/world/americas/maya-city-yucatan-archaeology-ocomtun.html" target="_blank">https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/20/world/americas/maya-city-yucatan-archaeology-ocomtun.html</a>. </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuSa5JW00tGNevTfaj6rm046z80O0UEH-2EhooJsWGiEQowam0qy1EltcSLoO6wqaJ6yn4mAMMXqXzHW6lZMf4ueaDOZmxLX_7LVxE-J3UjAo9GUYZ3O7bL0AzZJHnoseVkXPt83LxDLZb4DToCFR5MYCtkNNM5FJirXQTcI4h9cohCp9jp8tNG_Fe50Y/s774/OcoctunLidar-NYTimes.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="624" data-original-width="774" height="258" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuSa5JW00tGNevTfaj6rm046z80O0UEH-2EhooJsWGiEQowam0qy1EltcSLoO6wqaJ6yn4mAMMXqXzHW6lZMf4ueaDOZmxLX_7LVxE-J3UjAo9GUYZ3O7bL0AzZJHnoseVkXPt83LxDLZb4DToCFR5MYCtkNNM5FJirXQTcI4h9cohCp9jp8tNG_Fe50Y/s320/OcoctunLidar-NYTimes.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: verdana;">The site was found, and is being analyzed, by Slovenian archaeologist Ivan Šprajc. The various </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">Mayanists quoted in the NY Times article enthused over the site, calling it "unusual", "a significant site" and "the real deal." I am skeptical. We used to have 100 Maya sites (a vague approximation), and now we have 101 Maya sites. I'd gladly take just 5 Maya sites, properly analyzed with quantitative data available for analysis, than 500 Maya sites with blobby maps (lidar or other).</span><p></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">This case points out the two problems I have with press releases on the discovery of new sites (or pyramids, or tombs, or hieroglyphic inscriptions). The first is the distinction between archaeology as a science of learning about past societies, and archaeology as a celebration of big, exotic finds from the past. Nearly all of the press releases on ancient cities are breathless about past finds, and say little about the scientific knowledge that has been (or has yet to be) established. The second problem is the exaggeration of the importance of finds by the media offices of universities and other organizations.</span></p><p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRzUsvQZU3jxR2LmQmn2ZFvOPFkJCFomRkBtZ3hmawMxUMZQLD1VqNFD54Cj-2JybMkQHnWX75zjguD1qm0-DTF-MZUA3Be7U1qJO_qi4vvajPAT-MeBqeyfKbDsT0wt5YjG5jhPOElu3wcd1uLk9zTgeeMel3icpnPONwGeJKxnxJSVQyE2kJKh0YSvA/s658/TLAT-AA-032.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="478" data-original-width="658" height="232" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRzUsvQZU3jxR2LmQmn2ZFvOPFkJCFomRkBtZ3hmawMxUMZQLD1VqNFD54Cj-2JybMkQHnWX75zjguD1qm0-DTF-MZUA3Be7U1qJO_qi4vvajPAT-MeBqeyfKbDsT0wt5YjG5jhPOElu3wcd1uLk9zTgeeMel3icpnPONwGeJKxnxJSVQyE2kJKh0YSvA/s320/TLAT-AA-032.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Tlatelolco</td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">I'll start with my favorite story of this exaggeration of significance. A few years ago, a reporter emailed me and wanted to know my opinion of the new pyramid excavated at the Aztec site of Tlatelolco. I was puzzled. Tlatelolco is an Aztec ceremonial zone hemmed in by the modern buildings of Mexico City. It had a pyramid even larger than the major Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan. Tlatelolco has been completely excavated! Where could they have found a new pyramid?</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">Excavators in the 1940s found about eight construction stages for the main double-stair pyramid at Tlatelolco (pictured above). The earliest platform, Stage 1, was below the water table, so they didn't uncover it. The earliest platform visible today is Stage 2. Everybody knew the Stage 1 platform was sitting there, underneath the excavated Stage 2 structure. The water table had gone down since the 1940s, so archaeologists decided to excavate the Stage 1 platform. The media office said they had found a new pyramid at the site! Give me a break.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">Back to the science/exotic distinction for archaeology. In some of my writings, I distinguish "household archaeology" from "monumental archaeology." The former, which many of my colleagues and I pursue, uses a scientific approach to learn about ancient society and the activities and conditions of people in the past. Not just kings and elites but everyday people. We employ hypothesis testing and careful argumentation to make inferences about these things. Monumental archaeology, on the other hand, emphasizes the big buildings and elites of the past. This is the context of the NY Times article on Ocomtun, and the emphasis of the quotes by my Mayanist colleagues. </span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">In my prize-winning 2016 book, <b style="font-style: italic;">At Home with the Aztecs </b>(Society for American Archaeology, Best Popular Book in Archaeology, 2017 I describe how the social and monumental approaches differ in their concept of what constitutes n archaeological discovery:</span></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5fSZCef-g48sqkjSnWYDALXRToEmx-MlwjE-nLQr6kadxoYPpRMSWBIJJYUqT08dJmuS17y8JHE8yooG0j9ea_d4kiJL7_Hu9FXNwOfc_ykX_F2WQZzYyzWMBAYPoONlV0zHrpCK2UL_2SAskKzwHFm3hgezDZOnlZGvDMYBZvJiqrPePbWMUlM_EuRo/s921/AHA-CoverModel-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="921" data-original-width="614" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5fSZCef-g48sqkjSnWYDALXRToEmx-MlwjE-nLQr6kadxoYPpRMSWBIJJYUqT08dJmuS17y8JHE8yooG0j9ea_d4kiJL7_Hu9FXNwOfc_ykX_F2WQZzYyzWMBAYPoONlV0zHrpCK2UL_2SAskKzwHFm3hgezDZOnlZGvDMYBZvJiqrPePbWMUlM_EuRo/s320/AHA-CoverModel-LR.jpg" width="213" /></a></div><p></p><p align="left" class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #211d1e;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><i>“A
different kind of contrast between monumental and household archaeology
involves the timing of the moment of archaeological discovery. In the former
approach the major finds come during fieldwork: things like the opening of a
tomb or the discovery of a new hieroglyphic inscription. But when excavating
the middens of ancient peasant farmers, excitement rarely reveals itself in
the field—the houses are similar and the middens all look pretty much the same.
The important discoveries come later, in the laboratory stage of research. The
artifacts tell the stories of what people were doing and who they were.” (p.129)</i></span></span><o:p></o:p></p><p align="left" class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://lib.asu.edu/shelf-life/home-aztecs" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana;">https://lib.asu.edu/shelf-life/home-aztecs</span></a></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">For me, finding a new site is rarely exciting or notable on its own. But once the site is mapped, contexts are excavated, and artifacts are analyzed, then a new site might yield important scientific discoveries.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">I am also skeptical of new research using lidar, which Mayanists like to say has "revolutionized" the field (that word is used in the NY Times article too). When the Mayanists can point to a body of rigorous scientific findings from the lidar data, then I'll pay attention. But, with the exception of a couple of studies, that is not yet the case. Lidar has given us lots of pretty maps, but very little data on demography or social organization (beyond statements that there were lots of people living in the jungle, something we have known since the 1960s). See my 2018 cranky post here:</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="http://publishingarchaeology.blogspot.com/2018/02/why-i-am-skeptical-about-new-maya-lidar.html" target="_blank">http://publishingarchaeology.blogspot.com/2018/02/why-i-am-skeptical-about-new-maya-lidar.html</a> </span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">If you want to see what an explicitly scientific approach to ancient cities looks like, take a look at my new book (Cambridge University Press</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEWlqwxKkl2WlgQUB4TcdAZJ0c6FIBAiwBDw0qtwkj5WDaXzNh5IpS_pyaOZaxxpdv5MaJJjeGhnb4ybDdHq4P0DyM9jPsr8P7YmcjjcbdNSrNCGSzbjOY4eQT2hkD0JAW5IyNloo9gZFxX0UzORtx1b1_sX_ZKvt9gxJT-btG709EHUEeSstfTOi_baI/s1143/UL-00-Cover-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1143" data-original-width="800" height="421" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEWlqwxKkl2WlgQUB4TcdAZJ0c6FIBAiwBDw0qtwkj5WDaXzNh5IpS_pyaOZaxxpdv5MaJJjeGhnb4ybDdHq4P0DyM9jPsr8P7YmcjjcbdNSrNCGSzbjOY4eQT2hkD0JAW5IyNloo9gZFxX0UzORtx1b1_sX_ZKvt9gxJT-btG709EHUEeSstfTOi_baI/w295-h421/UL-00-Cover-LR.jpg" width="295" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: verdana;">, 2023): <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/urban-life-in-the-distant-past/F9270A0F7C175B7FD562075895901BB9" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/urban-life-in-the-distant-past/F9270A0F7C175B7FD562075895901BB9</a></span><p></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">To me, "science" with respect to archaeology does not mean that one uses "scientific" techniques. Rather, it is an epistemological label for research that is rigorous, quantitative, and based on testing. If you are interested, I did a series of 3 blog posts on this a few years ago:</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/2971081717687612908/4751291851771210105" target="_blank">https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/2971081717687612908/4751291851771210105</a><br /><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">I also published a paper on this topic, available here:</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/31393457/_Social_Science_and_Archaeological_Inquiry_2017_NOW_PUBLISHED_" rel="nofollow">https://www.academia.edu/31393457/_Social_Science_and_Archaeological_Inquiry_2017_NOW_PUBLISHED_</a><br /></span></p><p><br /></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><br /></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p>Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-76041712942396507212023-01-14T16:25:00.008-07:002023-01-14T16:38:29.785-07:00Nailing my theses to the internet, part 2 of 2<p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnum41kURW9FZF2edqZly57awmvUu7bE4qgHuvS336z4i9dq7jw0_1mmXbQrNzRutuJLYURQXD8kUybH4AxRS6WgpSfL5z7kr3wmIspGc1rAZ9TWzJqdhiteWgMucAIYTVbF5GUsRZ2aShgLygCfDJNK0z2PGFqveSPo_4rtA3I7vva7cTDqrF--xG/s560/Luther-nailing-theses-560x538.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="538" data-original-width="560" height="307" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnum41kURW9FZF2edqZly57awmvUu7bE4qgHuvS336z4i9dq7jw0_1mmXbQrNzRutuJLYURQXD8kUybH4AxRS6WgpSfL5z7kr3wmIspGc1rAZ9TWzJqdhiteWgMucAIYTVbF5GUsRZ2aShgLygCfDJNK0z2PGFqveSPo_4rtA3I7vva7cTDqrF--xG/s320/Luther-nailing-theses-560x538.jpg" width="320" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face="Calibri, sans-serif">This is the second of two posts on my fundamental “theses”: the basic
principles of my approach to premodern cities and urbanism.</span><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"> </span><span face="Calibri, sans-serif"><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2023/01/nailing-my-theses-to-internet-part-1-of.html" target="_blank">See the first post here:</a></span></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt; margin: 9pt 0in 0in 0.5in;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">(4) Cities
and urban life are structured by the interplay between two sets of processes:
centralized, or top-down, processes originate with kings, elites, and central
institutions, whereas generative, or bottom-up, processes arise from the
grass-roots actions of individuals not under the control or direction of
institutions or authorities.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Urban life and organization is made up of a constant interplay of
these two kinds of processes of change. My usage is based on common approaches
in the social sciences outside archaeology.<a href="file:///C:/Users/mesmith9/Documents/0-Home/1-To-ASU/BlogPost-2-OnMyTheses.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
I distinguish two types of generative process: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Grassroots activity</i> refers to the intentional efforts of people to
organize and coordinate their activities in pursuit of a goal (Chapter 7). <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Spontaneous organization</i> describes
actions of daily life, including social interactions, that create some kind of
order or outcome that was neither planned nor created by authorities (Chapters
3, 7). My prime example of this is energized crowding.</span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihfnxPdsWGA5kWKXSz8ofpSt5dddyDMESQVbz3h5gMiNRHQDCQbOpsmzrVfrYIZ5mnLeD1uaVN9TH1px-OlZJ2w-5G23asJyK6K4LDWiUunPT38jeSZiEb-OujzhVjCcgoKVI8uGaHcZARgCiRsiCBZCD-TX7m6bzG3Q-ViplinOUTuGHpZovS77Lh/s720/UL-7-01-LR.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="302" data-original-width="720" height="134" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihfnxPdsWGA5kWKXSz8ofpSt5dddyDMESQVbz3h5gMiNRHQDCQbOpsmzrVfrYIZ5mnLeD1uaVN9TH1px-OlZJ2w-5G23asJyK6K4LDWiUunPT38jeSZiEb-OujzhVjCcgoKVI8uGaHcZARgCiRsiCBZCD-TX7m6bzG3Q-ViplinOUTuGHpZovS77Lh/s320/UL-7-01-LR.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Figure 7.1, from Besim Hakim</td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /><o:p></o:p></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">While both
top-down and bottom-up factors are typically in play, some realms are closer to
the institutional or upper domain of society, while others lie closer to the
generative realm. For example, most premodern urbanites paid taxes, and
taxation is primarily an activity of the state, a top-down institution. While
the generative actions of individuals and groups may affect tax collection,
these are typically of less importance than the top-down demands at play.
Political protest, on the other hand, is primarily a generative process;
nevertheless, top-down forces may affect the nature and outcomes of protests.
My discussion of urban life proper is divided along these lines: Chapter 6
focuses on institutions or top-down processes, and Chapter 7 is about
generative processes. This division flows from my basic definition of cities as
settlement where population and activities are concentrated.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt; margin: 9pt 0in 0in 0.5in;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">(5) Social
interactions within cities and other settlements create “energized crowding,”
which is one of the fundamental causal mechanisms in urban life.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">As in the case of Thesis #4, this principle also flows from my
basic definition of cities. The importance of face-to-face social interaction,
in the form of energized crowding, in generating social outcomes is a
fundamental component of many theoretical approaches in the social sciences </span><!--[if supportFields]><span
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style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Brower 2011; Glaeser 2011; Ostrom 1990; Storper and
Venables 2004)</span><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]--></span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:
minor-latin'><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">. This
perspective has been developed into a set of formal theories with quantitative
predictions, known as settlement scaling theory </span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE <span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE.DATA <![if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Bettencourt et al. 2007; Pumain et al. 2006; West
2017)</span><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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2D6C6F636174696F6E3E3C7075626C69736865723E50656E6775696E3C2F7075626C69736865723E3C75726C733E3C2F75726C733E3C637573746F6D323E5265766965772062792046204479736F6E3A20687474703A2F2F7777772E6E79626F6F6B732E636F6D2F61727469636C65732F323031382F30352F31302F7468652D6B65792D746F2D65766572797468696E672F3C2F637573746F6D323E3C2F7265636F72643E3C2F436974653E3C2F456E644E6F74653E</w:data>
</xml><![endif]--></span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:
minor-latin'><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">. I have
participated in one branch of this approach, which views cities as “social
reactors” </span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:
minor-latin'><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Bettencourt</Author><Year>2013</Year><RecNum>24801</RecNum><DisplayText>(Bettencourt
2013)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>24801</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v"
timestamp="1447258628">24801</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Journal
Article">17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Bettencourt,
Luís M. A.</author></authors></contributors><auth-address>physics</auth-address><titles><title>The
Origins of Scaling in
Cities</title><secondary-title>Science</secondary-title></titles><periodical><full-title>Science</full-title></periodical><pages>1438-1441</pages><volume>340</volume><dates><year>2013</year></dates><urls></urls><custom2>hx
hp</custom2><research-notes>
mod</research-notes></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Bettencourt 2013)</span></span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">. We have extended research from
contemporary cities into the deep past, revealing broad continuities in the
role of settlement size between ancient and modern settlement systems. In this
book I explore the nature and implications of social interactions for premodern
cities.<a href="file:///C:/Users/mesmith9/Documents/0-Home/1-To-ASU/BlogPost-2-OnMyTheses.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>An additional
consideration that colors how some archaeologists write about ancient cities is
what I call the “urban prestige effect.” As a legacy of rigid and universalist
schemes of cultural evolution popular form the 1950s through the 1970s </span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhvjIxYwJ9Xy9RlDIf32EzBCQshb3syQsc9kUc0bLThXvBtPll8sF-X8xHA0_KRA6w_lFdEbfZxOiYkBnVszKKP1dgrspxNNXLLW_NvAkwv-17okqH2mdmRTpzQCgIicPWL94ZomSuNOEVw8CBtLbCYg8pq3lGz7FPyytfG4cDgbDbexy_rFiuWnuai/s360/CityOfGold.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="260" data-original-width="360" height="231" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhvjIxYwJ9Xy9RlDIf32EzBCQshb3syQsc9kUc0bLThXvBtPll8sF-X8xHA0_KRA6w_lFdEbfZxOiYkBnVszKKP1dgrspxNNXLLW_NvAkwv-17okqH2mdmRTpzQCgIicPWL94ZomSuNOEVw8CBtLbCYg8pq3lGz7FPyytfG4cDgbDbexy_rFiuWnuai/s320/CityOfGold.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></span></div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>White</Author><Year>1959</Year><RecNum>3417</RecNum><DisplayText>(Service
1975; White
1959)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>3417</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v"
timestamp="0">3417</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>White,
Leslie
A.</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>The
Evolution of Culture: The Development of Civilization to the Fall of
Rome</title></titles><dates><year>1959</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>McGraw-Hill</publisher><urls></urls></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Service</Author><Year>1975</Year><RecNum>8508</RecNum><record><rec-number>8508</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v" timestamp="0">8508</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Service,
Elman Rogers</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Origins
of the State and Civilization: The Process of Cultural
Evolution</title></titles><dates><year>1975</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Norton</publisher><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Service 1975; White 1959)</span></span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">, many archaeologists assign a
high value, with a high level of prestige, to the categories of cities and
urbanism. This signals an unfortunate emotional association with the objects of
their study (settlements). Urban sites are seen as “better” than non-urban
settlements, resulting in attempts to categorize non-urban settlements as
cities. Non-urban villages are not infrequently declared urban by one scholar
or another, whether ancient sites like Çatalhöyük (see Case study 2, below) or
modern Amazonian villages </span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:
"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-theme-font:
minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Heckenberger</Author><Year>2008</Year><RecNum>14567</RecNum><DisplayText>(Heckenberger
et al.
2008)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>14567</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v" timestamp="0">14567</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Journal Article">17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Heckenberger,
Michael J.</author><author>Russell, J.
Christian</author><author>Fausto,
Carlos</author><author>Toney, Joshua R.</author><author>Schmidt,
Morgan J.</author><author>Pereira,
Edithe</author><author>Franchetto,
Bruna</author><author>Kuikuro,
Afukaka</author></authors></contributors><auth-address>arch</auth-address><titles><title>Pre-Columbian
Urbanism, Anthropogenic Landscapes, and the Future of the Amazon</title><secondary-title>Science</secondary-title></titles><periodical><full-title>Science</full-title></periodical><pages>1214-1217</pages><volume>321</volume><dates><year>2008</year></dates><urls></urls><custom2>hx
hp - see also Mann 2008 paper about this
article</custom2><research-notes>amazon</research-notes></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Heckenberger et al. 2008)</span></span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">. It is almost guaranteed that
complex early settlements—such as the Tripalyan “mega-sites”—will be viewed as
urban </span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:
minor-latin'><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Diachenko</Author><Year>2017</Year><RecNum>26850</RecNum><DisplayText>(Chapman
and Gaydarska 2016; Diachenko and Menotti
2017)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>26850</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v" timestamp="1508976781">26850</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Journal
Article">17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Diachenko,
Aleksandr</author><author>Menotti, Francesco</author></authors></contributors><auth-address>arch</auth-address><titles><title>Proto-Cities
or Non-Proto-Cities? On the Nature of Cucuteni–Trypillia
Mega-Sites</title><secondary-title>Journal of World
Prehistory</secondary-title></titles><periodical><full-title>Journal
of World Prehistory</full-title><abbr-1>J. World Prehist.</abbr-1></periodical><pages>207-219</pages><volume>30</volume><number>3</number><dates><year>2017</year></dates><urls></urls><custom2>Not
useful</custom2><research-notes>neolithic
tripolye</research-notes></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Chapman</Author><Year>2016</Year><RecNum>25162</RecNum><record><rec-number>25162</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v"
timestamp="1458011775">25162</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Book
Section">5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Chapman,
John</author><author>Gaydarska,
Bisserka</author></authors><secondary-authors><author>Müller,
Johannes</author><author>Rassmann,
Knut</author><author>Videiko, Mykhailo</author></secondary-authors></contributors><auth-address>arch</auth-address><titles><title>From
Domestic Households to Mega-Structures:
Proto-Urbanism?</title><secondary-title>Trypillia Mega-Sites and
European Prehistory,<span style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>4100-3400
BCE</secondary-title></titles><pages>289-299</pages><dates><year>2016</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Routledge</publisher><urls></urls><custom2>hx
hp</custom2><research-notes>tripolye
neolithic</research-notes></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Chapman and Gaydarska 2016; Diachenko and Menotti
2017)</span></span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:
minor-latin'><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">, regardless
of the nature of the evidence; see Chapter 2. This urban prestige effect only
muddies the waters of premodern settlement analysis, contributing little to our
understanding of the settlements in question, or to comparative urban studies.<o:p></o:p></span></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> <br /></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">REFERENCES<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.REFLIST <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Bettencourt, Luís M. A.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2013<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Origins of Scaling in Cities. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Science</i> 340: 1438-1441.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Bettencourt,
Luís M. A., José Lobo, Dirk Helbing, Christian Kühnert, and Geoffrey B. West<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2007<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Growth, Innovation, Scaling, and the Pace of
Life in Cities. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences</i> 104: 7301-7306.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Brower,
Sidney N.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2011<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Neighbors
and Neighborhoods: Elements of Successful Community Design</i>. APA Planners
Press, Chicago.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Chapman, John
and Bisserka Gaydarska<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>From Domestic Households to Mega-Structures:
Proto-Urbanism? In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Trypillia Mega-Sites
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edited by Johannes Müller, Knut Rassmann, and Mykhailo Videiko, pp. 289-299.
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<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Diachenko,
Aleksandr and Francesco Menotti<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2017<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Proto-Cities or Non-Proto-Cities? On the
Nature of Cucuteni–Trypillia Mega-Sites. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal
of World Prehistory</i> 30 (3): 207-219.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Glaeser,
Edward L.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2011<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Triumph of the City: How our Greatest Invention Makes us Richer, Smarter,
Greener, Healthier, and Happier</i>. Penguin, New York.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Heckenberger,
Michael J., J. Christian Russell, Carlos Fausto, Joshua R. Toney, Morgan J.
Schmidt, Edithe Pereira, Bruna Franchetto, and Afukaka Kuikuro<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2008<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Pre-Columbian Urbanism, Anthropogenic
Landscapes, and the Future of the Amazon. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Science</i>
321: 1214-1217.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Ostrom,
Elinor<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">1990<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Governing
the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action</i>. Cambridge
University Press, New York.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Pumain,
Denise, Fabien Paulus, Céline Vacchiana-Marcuzzo, and José Lobo<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2006<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>An Evolutionary Theory for Inerpreting Urban
Scaling Laws. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cybergeo: European Journal
of Geography</i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(article 343).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="http://cybergeo.revues.org/2519?lang=en">http://cybergeo.revues.org/2519?lang=en</a>.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Service,
Elman Rogers<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">1975<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Origins
of the State and Civilization: The Process of Cultural Evolution</i>. Norton,
New York.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Storper,
Michael and Anthony J. Venables<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2004<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Buzz: Face-to-Face Contact and the Urban
Economy. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of Economic Geography</i>
4 (4): 351-370.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">West,
Geoffrey B.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">2017<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Scale:
The Universal Laws of Growth, Innovation, Sustainability, and the Pace of
Lifein Organisms, Cities, Economies, and Companies</i>. Penguin, New York.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">White, Leslie
A.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">1959<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Evolution of Culture: The Development of Civilization to the Fall of Rome</i>.
McGraw-Hill, New York.</span></p><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<span style="font-family: verdana;"><!--[endif]-->
</span><div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/mesmith9/Documents/0-Home/1-To-ASU/BlogPost-2-OnMyTheses.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> I wish
to distinguish my usage of top-down and bottom-up from a particular
archaeological usage in which “top-down” refers to studies of kings and elites,
while “bottom-up” denotes studies of households. My usage, in contrast, is
based on drivers of change and causal mechanisms (Chapters 3, 6, 7).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/mesmith9/Documents/0-Home/1-To-ASU/BlogPost-2-OnMyTheses.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> The
research and publications of the Social reactors project are presented at: <a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/">https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/</a>.
</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-56355155391028568222023-01-14T16:19:00.003-07:002023-01-14T16:37:22.502-07:00Nailing my theses to the internet, part 1 of 2<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVsa9U1OJUk5MqgVkKBiwMrdpOgT4-rlRVLvxXXsuRhkL49E_fioJvV4__P0D-EljEzOYVFIL7nkyqewE6pi5HNaKXcw7nApaxT8w13lqxB5Er6WNA2fONUpQv4ppDNK3_q3MydhUZdFtE9GzTFYx0azVfr63DimehMIn0LFBtzI5-tWko7tpl0D_3/s560/Luther-nailing-theses-560x538.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="538" data-original-width="560" height="307" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVsa9U1OJUk5MqgVkKBiwMrdpOgT4-rlRVLvxXXsuRhkL49E_fioJvV4__P0D-EljEzOYVFIL7nkyqewE6pi5HNaKXcw7nApaxT8w13lqxB5Er6WNA2fONUpQv4ppDNK3_q3MydhUZdFtE9GzTFYx0azVfr63DimehMIn0LFBtzI5-tWko7tpl0D_3/s320/Luther-nailing-theses-560x538.jpg" width="320" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br />Martin Luther nailed his theses to the door of the church to mark
the public expression of his ideas. I believe that scholars should similarly
make their fundamental principles public. My book, <b><i>Urban Life in the Distant
Past</i></b>, is built on a foundation of five “theses,” or fundamental principles.
These describe the major outlines of my theoretical and comparative approach to
premodern cities. In this post, taken from chapter 1, I describe the first three of my theses; the
other two will be in my next post. This is the modern version of nailing one’s
thesis to the wall (a custom that survives in Swedish universities, where they
still must nail completed thesis to the wall!).</span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt; margin: 9pt 0in 0in 0.5in;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">(1)
Definitions are tools; one’s definition of city or urban depends on one’s goals
and questions.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFajJOOQQB8AR3F407lL_5-bNyi4PzBIjHpnqU7Jxti5M2-0vvcomJxZlgxci48RnCYNYsq2opswhBzFB61QGYk9xil9uOVdE02DglrLOKOPk8A8ovjDaH8_cNv4yrzfBLoNEH_55P1LL_LlgXXxhMg-Uju7lIKTaa9ihIllxQb5fVDydlpXxID9CP/s1143/UL-00-Cover-LR.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1143" data-original-width="800" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFajJOOQQB8AR3F407lL_5-bNyi4PzBIjHpnqU7Jxti5M2-0vvcomJxZlgxci48RnCYNYsq2opswhBzFB61QGYk9xil9uOVdE02DglrLOKOPk8A8ovjDaH8_cNv4yrzfBLoNEH_55P1LL_LlgXXxhMg-Uju7lIKTaa9ihIllxQb5fVDydlpXxID9CP/s320/UL-00-Cover-LR.jpg" width="224" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Scholars of cities today spend little time agonizing over how one
defines the terms city and urban. In fact, they typically use the term
“definition” to refer to operationalization: the measures that capture the
phenomena scholars want to study. Premodern cities exhibit far more variability
than modern cities in the size, form, functions, and activities; in addition,
their political and economic contexts are more varied. For example, virtually
all cities today exist within nation-states. But premodern cities could be part
of a chiefdom, a city-state, an empire, or a weak state (Chapter 4). Cities
today are embedded in a globalized, capitalist world system, whereas premodern
cities could be part of a command economy, a small-scale commercial economy, or
a far-flung globalized early commercial economy (Chapter 5). Because of this
variability, the ways premodern cities may be defined also vary greatly. There
is no “best” definition of city or urban <!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Smith</Author><Year>2020</Year><RecNum>29129</RecNum><DisplayText>(Smith
2020)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>29129</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v"
timestamp="1578101544">29129</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Journal Article">17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Smith,
Michael
E.</author></authors></contributors><auth-address>arch</auth-address><titles><title>Definitions
and Comparisons in Urban Archaeology</title><secondary-title>Journal
of Urban Archaeology</secondary-title></titles><pages>15-30</pages><volume>1</volume><dates><year>2020</year></dates><urls></urls><electronic-resource-num>https://doi.org/10.1484/J.JUA.5.120907</electronic-resource-num></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Smith 2020)</span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]-->. This principle is often neglected
by scholars of ancient cities, who may agonize over the “correct” definition of
urban, or how to document and study the essence of cities and urbanism, which
leads to my next principle.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>(2)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Do not reify the concepts of city or urban.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Cities and urbanism—particularly in the premodern domain—are not
real things. Settlements, on the other hand, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">are</i> real. They exist in this world. Archaeologists excavate their
remains, and it is usually obvious whether a given site was a place where
people resided. “City” and “urban,” on the other hand, are categories or
concepts that we apply to some settlements, when it suits our goals. If we have
different goals, we may use different definitions. In the language of
philosopher John Searle <!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:
"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-theme-font:
minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE <EndNote><Cite ExcludeAuth="1"><Author>Searle</Author><Year>1995</Year><RecNum>17267</RecNum><DisplayText>(1995)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>17267</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v"
timestamp="1268880234">17267</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Searle,
John
R.</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>The
Construction of Social Reality</title></titles><dates><year>1995</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Free
Press</publisher><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(1995)</span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]-->, </span></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEih1rsNTMfKKD-0o-5Gb5RGgs-ar-T0EJO2m46iJ_E9_4fqa7mCQ5ENw3-62zVYq2Vep9V0TAAPeMChwh-Iun_7UEFxn4hGTVDrGKu26FT5WrbXQnzeFJaGVjAH04kn0qEW_s4Wp5cBqw6o-LoDVcEpoPiFuZLmC-Su3aPkEhIrOduNOgYPScv-C0tw/s228/Searle-Photo.jpg" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="228" data-original-width="168" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEih1rsNTMfKKD-0o-5Gb5RGgs-ar-T0EJO2m46iJ_E9_4fqa7mCQ5ENw3-62zVYq2Vep9V0TAAPeMChwh-Iun_7UEFxn4hGTVDrGKu26FT5WrbXQnzeFJaGVjAH04kn0qEW_s4Wp5cBqw6o-LoDVcEpoPiFuZLmC-Su3aPkEhIrOduNOgYPScv-C0tw/s16000/Searle-Photo.jpg" /></span></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">John Searle</span></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: verdana;">settlements are brute facts,
while cities are institutional facts. One of Searle’s examples is money. The
fact that a piece of paper in my wallet has value and can be exchanged for
goods and services is an institutional fact. It depends on the existence of
institutions and beliefs that allow particular kinds of pieces of paper to be
used to purchase things. But the physical properties of this same dollar
bill—its ability to be folded or rolled up, or burned, or marked with a pen—are
brute facts. They do not depend on an institutional framework or common beliefs
within a community of people. There is no “brute fact” of “citiness” or
“urbanity” as intrinsic attributes of a settlement, something waiting to be
discovered; these are institutional facts that only make sense from a given
perspective, with a given definition. The consequence of this principle is the
following:<o:p></o:p></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 9.0pt; margin: 9pt 0in 0in 0.5in;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">(3) The
settlement should be the primary unit of analysis, not the city. We should
acknowledge that some “urban” attributes and practices apply to non-urban
settlements.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><o:p><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">If settlements are “brute facts,” then it makes sense to use them
as a basic unit of analysis. When our research shows that a given settlement
was large and complex, or served as a hub in a regional economy, then we may
want to classify it as an urban settlement; in Searle’s framework, this is an
institutional judgment. The fact that some key features of cities also
characterize smaller, non-urban, settlements is a further warning about the
dangers of reifying the concept urban. Settlement scaling research shows that
key quantitative outcomes of social interactions in settlements characterize
both urban and non-urban settlement systems <!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Ortman</Author><Year>2017</Year><RecNum>26367</RecNum><DisplayText>(Ortman
and Coffey
2017)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>26367</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v" timestamp="1491530292">26367</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Journal
Article">17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Ortman,
Scott G.</author><author>Coffey, Grant D.</author></authors></contributors><auth-address>arch</auth-address><titles><title>Settlement
Scaling in Middle-Range Societies</title><secondary-title>American
Antiquity</secondary-title></titles><periodical><full-title>American
Antiquity</full-title><abbr-1>Am. Antiq.</abbr-1></periodical><pages>662-682</pages><volume>82</volume><number>4</number><dates><year>2017</year></dates><urls></urls><custom2><style
face="normal" font="default" size="10">hp
hx</style></custom2><research-notes>nam<span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>mandan
tewa</research-notes></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Ortman and Coffey 2017)</span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]-->; see Chapter 3. Similarly,
comparative work on neighborhoods shows that this urban social-spatial unit is
also found in non-urban settlements <!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Tuzin</Author><Year>2001</Year><RecNum>24795</RecNum><DisplayText>(Smith
et al. 2015; Tuzin 2001)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>24795</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v"
timestamp="1447208230">24795</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Tuzin,
Donald</author></authors></contributors><auth-address>ethnog</auth-address><titles><title>Social
Complexity in the Making: A Case Study Among the Arapesh of New
Guinea</title></titles><dates><year>2001</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Routledge</publisher><urls></urls><research-notes>newguinea</research-notes></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Smith</Author><Year>2015</Year><RecNum>19817</RecNum><record><rec-number>19817</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="zdsdfpsv7sfzd4ew2wcxzdpovrsadsxvwx5v"
timestamp="1325111415">19817</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Journal
Article">17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Smith,
Michael E.</author><author>Engquist,
Ashley</author><author>Carvajal,
Cinthia</author><author>Johnston, Katrina</author><author>Amanda
Young</author><author>Monica Algara</author><author>Yui
Kuznetsov</author><author>Bridgette
Gilliland</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Neighborhood
Formation in Semi-Urban Settlements</title><secondary-title>Journal
of
Urbanism</secondary-title></titles><pages>173-198</pages><volume>8</volume><number>2</number><dates><year>2015</year></dates><urls></urls><custom2>zz<span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>-
SAP</custom2><electronic-resource-num>doi.org/10.1080/17549175.2014.896394</electronic-resource-num></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Smith et al. 2015; Tuzin 2001)</span><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]-->; see Chapter 7. These findings
suggest that we can proceed with analyzing settlements without agonizing over
definitions or worries about whether or not they are urban.<a href="file:///C:/Users/mesmith9/Documents/0-Home/1-To-ASU/BlogPost-1-OnMyTheses.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[1]</span></span></span></a></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2023/01/nailing-my-theses-to-internet-part-2-of.html" target="_blank">See the next post, Part 2, for the rest of my theses.</a><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjSE5ROQdxbRmwLV3g-lTZul9-jFx7LZTIVwMJpbuSgLuQdB05to8NH3r11znzVePv6XplKVTYkXpn6zSirflHHIWqKdQNOsU0YpWlysXR0pu0LuJM1ONoBkkn4Vbdkf5EbOO13oUI3BKK8jpcnJQrpw8Pv6IJvEKglCO_pLKopKI9Yyj0DIfBvhlfM/s539/nailed-theses.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="285" data-original-width="539" height="169" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjSE5ROQdxbRmwLV3g-lTZul9-jFx7LZTIVwMJpbuSgLuQdB05to8NH3r11znzVePv6XplKVTYkXpn6zSirflHHIWqKdQNOsU0YpWlysXR0pu0LuJM1ONoBkkn4Vbdkf5EbOO13oUI3BKK8jpcnJQrpw8Pv6IJvEKglCO_pLKopKI9Yyj0DIfBvhlfM/s320/nailed-theses.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Swedish theses nailed to the wall</td></tr></tbody></table><br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 9pt;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">REFERENCES</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.REFLIST <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="font-family: verdana;">Ortman, Scott G. and Grant D. Coffey<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">2017<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Settlement Scaling in Middle-Range
Societies. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">American Antiquity</i> 82 (4):
662-682.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Searle, John
R.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">1995<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Construction of Social Reality</i>. Free Press, New York.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Smith,
Michael E.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">2020<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Definitions and Comparisons in Urban
Archaeology. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of Urban Archaeology</i>
1: 15-30.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Smith,
Michael E., Ashley Engquist, Cinthia Carvajal, Katrina Johnston, Amanda Young,
Monica Algara, Yui Kuznetsov, and Bridgette Gilliland<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Neighborhood Formation in Semi-Urban
Settlements. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of Urbanism</i> 8
(2): 173-198.</span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Tuzin, Donald<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">2001<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Social
Complexity in the Making: A Case Study Among the Arapesh of New Guinea</i>.
Routledge, New York.</span></p><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/mesmith9/Documents/0-Home/1-To-ASU/BlogPost-1-OnMyTheses.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[1]</span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Perhaps
ironically, this caveat has not stopped archaeologists—including me—from
arguing about definitions of city and urban; see discussion below.</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-32840851391460903242023-01-12T09:42:00.004-07:002023-01-12T09:42:40.704-07:00If Urban Population is so Important, Why Don't More Archaeologists Measure it?
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3TzR5XpMBYdhEOvQBfcZrt2NqNYuUtajS8aVnF9iw9shGDsUvLIr5CBswGaBD9ROkmxgml5pMnfxk_MWtDv_gzn8KH-VqpfkTb0mxor4Y931okzTAFF6mgFqIdTK3tmIJ_fo5DsXrJcUe-u2yC8wBU5bFa9Xaw_PWn9bDQwPj8j_d83qPqO79ucsZ/s3890/ULP-Cover.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="clear: right; float: right; font-family: verdana; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="3890" data-original-width="2708" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3TzR5XpMBYdhEOvQBfcZrt2NqNYuUtajS8aVnF9iw9shGDsUvLIr5CBswGaBD9ROkmxgml5pMnfxk_MWtDv_gzn8KH-VqpfkTb0mxor4Y931okzTAFF6mgFqIdTK3tmIJ_fo5DsXrJcUe-u2yC8wBU5bFa9Xaw_PWn9bDQwPj8j_d83qPqO79ucsZ/w446-h640/ULP-Cover.jpg" width="446" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">This post consists mostly of a passage from chapter 3 of my book, <i>Urban Life in the Distant Past.</i> The book will be released in February or March, 2023. This passage is my answer to the question posed in the title. Just for fun, I include here a table from that chapter. For the sample of early cities that I use as case studies, the table compares examples in the New World and Old World. Now, this is not a great sample for analysis (see the book on this), but it does show something rarely discussed in a systematic form. Early cities were denser in the Old World. But, it turns out that the median population size is very similar! This surprised me, and it is possible that it derives from the small sample size of my case study group. </span><span style="font-family: verdana; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="282" data-original-width="1074" height="144" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhbbkVTWX9WkF92DIUjTn1aowBkQDqb34ghs1YxkAR878pYhAdqYBXUL6XOSgfd2Vc1NJ0f9_tImC5YEWG1nbWh6isiGoCmm-P9KsM8Y1-DwGEk9M_W2LxMGnCFteohQUQk38AumOrBlwTSxkUcpMoxEg79M0-Jr475rPVScgrS3QQa-kZcl2rzuIYW/w548-h144/ULP-Tbl-3-3-NewOldWcitySize.jpg" width="548" /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhbbkVTWX9WkF92DIUjTn1aowBkQDqb34ghs1YxkAR878pYhAdqYBXUL6XOSgfd2Vc1NJ0f9_tImC5YEWG1nbWh6isiGoCmm-P9KsM8Y1-DwGEk9M_W2LxMGnCFteohQUQk38AumOrBlwTSxkUcpMoxEg79M0-Jr475rPVScgrS3QQa-kZcl2rzuIYW/s1074/ULP-Tbl-3-3-NewOldWcitySize.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana;">From chapter 3:</span></div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span><div><span style="font-family: verdana;">If population is so important, why have archaeologists been so resistant to measure or estimate past populations? When I tout the importance of population estimates to my colleagues, I typically get replies like this: “Archaeological population estimates often rest on so many uncontrolled variables and assumptions, that they cannot be meaningfully sustained.” But just about EVERY social interpretation of past society by archaeologists rests on similar chains (or cables) of what can be called poorly-controlled variables and assumptions (Chapman and Wylie 2016). If we were to extend this evidentiary standard to other realms, archaeologists would have to pack up and go home; we would not be able to say anything at all interesting about past societies. I cannot accept this commonly-offered reason for the resistance to demographic estimates by the very same archaeologists who readily employ parallel assumptions to make inferences about other past phenomena, whether social structure, religion, or economics. The reticence of my colleagues to population estimates has deeper roots.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Most directly, the anti-quantitative and anti-science turn in archaeology (Chapter 1)—excluded demography and population as topics worthy of study. The broad spread of such ideas throughout the discipline (at least for the archaeology of complex societies) resulted in the omission of demography from many graduate training programs in archaeology. Beyond this, much of the hesitation to engage in population estimates from fragmentary remains probably derives from the general skepticism about the simplification required for comparative analysis (Chaper 1). Demographic reconstruction requires a complex empirical reality to be reduced to a small number of measures, and some archaeologists object to such simplification on principle. Also, an operation like population estimation requires that many uncertain parameters (e.g., household size or occupancy rate,)—and the methods of their derivation and analysis—be made explicit before estimates can be generated. Again, this level of detail is avoided by some archaeologists, in favor of grand, abstract accounts of the past (Chapter 1). </span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Nevertheless, some archaeologists have forged on, developing methods and concepts for reconstructing past populations from survey and excavation data. It is unfortunate that it has taken several decades for early work in archaeological population estimation (Hassan 1981) to be followed up and extended (Berrey et al. 2021; Drennan et al. 2015; Ortman 2016; Whitelaw 2004). Thankfully, there are signs of a renewal of interest in rigorous population estimation (Bernardini and Schachner 2018; Chirikure et al. 2017; Hanson and Ortman 2017; Smith et al. 2019). As part of an effort to promote demographic research in the study of premodern cities, I have assembled data on the population, area, and density of each of my case studies (see below). </span></div><div><b style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></b></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"></span><b style="font-family: verdana;">References</b><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Bernardini, Wesley and Gregson Schachner
2018 Comparing Near Eastern Neolithic Megasites and Southwester Pueblos: Population Size, Exceptionalism and Historical Trajectories. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 8 (4): 647-663.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Berrey, C. Adam, Robert D. Drennan, and Christian E. Peterson
2021 Local Economies and Household Spacing in Early Chiefdom Communities. PLOS ONE 16 (5): e0252532.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Chapman, Robert and Alison Wylie
2016 Evidential Reasoning in Archaeology. Bloomsbury Press, New York.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Chirikure, Shadreck, Thomas Moultrie, Foreman Bandama, Collett Dandara, and Munyaradzi Manyanga
2017 What Was the Population of Great Zimbabwe (CE 1000 – 1800)? PLOS-One 12 (6): e0178335. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Drennan, Robert D., C. Adam Berrey, and Christian E. Peterson
2015 Regional Settlement Demography in Archaeology. Eliot Werner Publications, Bristol, CT. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Hanson, John W. and Scott G. Ortman
2017 A Systematic Method for Estimating the Populations of Greek and Roman Settlements. Journal of Roman Archaeology 30: 301-324. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Hassan, Fekri A.
1981 Demographic Archaeology. Academic Press, New York. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Ortman, Scott G.
2016 Why All Archaeologists Should Care about and Do Population Estimates. In Exploring Cause and Explanation: Historical Ecology, Demograhy, and Movement in the American Southweset, edited by Cynthia L. Herhahn and Ann F. Ramenofsky, pp. 103-120. University Press of Colorado, Boulder. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Smith, Michael E., Abhishek Chatterjee, Sierra Stewart, Angela Huster, and Marion Forest
2019 Apartment Compounds, Households, and Population at Teotihuacan. Ancient Mesoamerica 30 (3): 399-418.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana;"> Whitelaw, Todd
2004 Estimating the Population of Neopalatial Knossos. In Knossos: Palace, City, State, edited by Gerald Cadogan, Eleni Hatzaki, and Adonis Asasilakis, pp. 147-158. British School at Athens, London.</span></div>Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-77807577679460829412023-01-04T20:27:00.000-07:002023-01-04T20:27:58.680-07:00<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibMrrstqAMlap-MeFA8ShowdZcCLciCs4PLT4fHYtUxNlS0W1rSVBt7seaalD3BG11FWWwVnv6_gqWoW58inM2RTRuduwxjU9Iuz-OBAnro00AoNQC0yV5rBRU7iXYu0zCo7kXv-kmskd2-fwBD2iaCAJM7rDT-XAgbLvbPmGeBywFiO_k0_c1gqUB/s1024/ULP-Cover-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1024" data-original-width="713" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibMrrstqAMlap-MeFA8ShowdZcCLciCs4PLT4fHYtUxNlS0W1rSVBt7seaalD3BG11FWWwVnv6_gqWoW58inM2RTRuduwxjU9Iuz-OBAnro00AoNQC0yV5rBRU7iXYu0zCo7kXv-kmskd2-fwBD2iaCAJM7rDT-XAgbLvbPmGeBywFiO_k0_c1gqUB/s320/ULP-Cover-LR.jpg" width="223" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana;">My book, <i><u>Urban Life in the Distant Past: The Prehistory of Energized Crowding</u></i>, will be published in February/March, 2023, by Cambridge University Press. This provides one reason to re-start this blog. Another reason is to explore some of the issues in early and comparative urbanism that I have been working on for the past few years. The Covid-19 pandemic coincided with a general decline in blogs and an increase in the use of twitter, and I followed along with these trends. But twitter threads are a pain to put together and they have little or no staying power. I had been intending to get this blog going again for a few years now, so here we are.</span><br /><p></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">I am going to start off here with some of my publications from the past few years. I last posted here in early 2019, so I'll start with that year. Once I've gone over a bunch of my papers, I'll start blogging on the themes and content of my new book.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><h2 style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Publications, 2019</span></h2><p><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: medium;">Smith, ME (2019) Energized Crowding and the Generative Role of Settlement Aggregation and Urbanization. In <i><u>Coming Together: Comparative Approaches to Population Aggregation and Early Urbanization</u></i>, edited by Attila Gyucha, pp. 37-58. State University of New York Press, Albany. <a href="https://www.academia.edu/29477031/_Energized_Crowding_and_the_Generative_Role_of_Settlement_Aggregation_and_Urbanization_2019_" target="_blank">Available Here</a></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZb3hXl8zpXBNfKK7AjkWSAItKnTooVCKO3ukxJj2g-ypLhzLAH0QqgSisypIBnwIf6JRDdnj_ZJe-srNdyn2w_i03gHulPfBMs0T4lqdv-wzCiZ1C-Ff_hXtVMbX-Vyt8AjEpz62p-fY7L5KPS7U5EtqmuzlF7DT5wfvaKqxLfCv0_qP46dltEAVJ/s936/SclingGroup-Teo-3-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="526" data-original-width="936" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZb3hXl8zpXBNfKK7AjkWSAItKnTooVCKO3ukxJj2g-ypLhzLAH0QqgSisypIBnwIf6JRDdnj_ZJe-srNdyn2w_i03gHulPfBMs0T4lqdv-wzCiZ1C-Ff_hXtVMbX-Vyt8AjEpz62p-fY7L5KPS7U5EtqmuzlF7DT5wfvaKqxLfCv0_qP46dltEAVJ/s320/SclingGroup-Teo-3-LR.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Members of the Social Reactors Project<br />at Teotihuacan, 2019</td></tr></tbody></table>This paper is a kind of rehearsal for my book. I wrote this as my attempt to explore the theoretical and comparative foundation of the work we were doing on settlement scaling. <a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/search?q=%22energized+crowding%22" target="_blank">See this past post on energized crowding</a>. The project website has lots of information, including all of our papers: <a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/" target="_blank">https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/</a> Here we are on top of the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan in 2019. Great place for a workshop on urban science!!<br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRJ_bRboXUug6PmoBQ7WXHwUs6pswcRzafEPmaB5TRW39KjqyzWcq8T33_-YwzHumbGNl5Dbr3ZCpRlEhrZolpIIRPt-ftUxt8DyBqBgDvPrUa5TmM_w_INM3iRyO_XkN-bE4MGUDgwA0AZzkh3gt8kE-IDecMivzq_wykp12mOqlWHitjgMWEo6Sp/s900/ResidentialExcavationLocations-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="837" data-original-width="900" height="298" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRJ_bRboXUug6PmoBQ7WXHwUs6pswcRzafEPmaB5TRW39KjqyzWcq8T33_-YwzHumbGNl5Dbr3ZCpRlEhrZolpIIRPt-ftUxt8DyBqBgDvPrUa5TmM_w_INM3iRyO_XkN-bE4MGUDgwA0AZzkh3gt8kE-IDecMivzq_wykp12mOqlWHitjgMWEo6Sp/w320-h298/ResidentialExcavationLocations-LR.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Teotihuacan map.</td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-size: medium;">Smith, ME, A Chatterjee, S Stewart, A Huster and M Forest (2019) Apartment Compounds, Households, and Population at Teotihuacan. <i><u>Ancient Mesoamerica</u></i> 30(3):399-418. <a href="https://www.academia.edu/40341667/_Apartment_Compounds_Households_and_Population_at_Teotihuacan_2019_Smith_et_al" target="_blank">Available Here</a>. </span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">This paper makes several major advances in our understanding of urbanism at ancient Teotihuacan.<br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">First, we create a new population estimate for Teotihuacan at its height. This is the most rigorous population figure ever calculated for the city. Past estimates, even those by Millon and Cowgill, were quite subjective and impressionistic. Our best estimate: 100,000 inhabitants.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">Second, we confirm, extend, and built on the residential classification of the Teotihuacan Mapping Project. Millon's categories of low-status, intermediate-status, and high-status residences have withstood the test of time.</span></p><p></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">Third, and perhaps most exciting, we present a new method for determining how many households likely lived in each of the excavated apartment compounds. We use network methods, often called "space syntax" by archaeologists. While others have analyzed Teotihuacan residences using space syntax methods, we offer the most systematic and rigorous analysis. This was worked out primarily by Abishek Chatterjee, an electrical engineer at Intel and an online anthropology major at ASU. When I first explained what we needed to Abishek, and showed him the plans, he said "This is a network problem, and I can solve it." Well, he did! An important component was a set of new systematic plan maps of the excavated residences, made by Sierra Stewart.</span></p><p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgBu1ku3UplbeESqW40Cqq2_bmEMZMxX25bP4_VqvWkFjDOjtT2AIFcMBLreqSu-ZIsYS96ROMX71MuBuEV1dWfUBJZ450m-u2RdSLErmmgNJ0ggAEMUbLRjj3bzq-dmmJqeEXlEG0qDCudFeKtY5zV46YsNQbq1_7Am0yn3VZzEhMd7noJ-168248o/s403/A5-Zacuala-NetworkAnalysis.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="392" data-original-width="403" height="389" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgBu1ku3UplbeESqW40Cqq2_bmEMZMxX25bP4_VqvWkFjDOjtT2AIFcMBLreqSu-ZIsYS96ROMX71MuBuEV1dWfUBJZ450m-u2RdSLErmmgNJ0ggAEMUbLRjj3bzq-dmmJqeEXlEG0qDCudFeKtY5zV46YsNQbq1_7Am0yn3VZzEhMd7noJ-168248o/w400-h389/A5-Zacuala-NetworkAnalysis.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Network analysis of Zacuala</td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: verdana;">In the example here, the compound known as Zacuala, there were four dwellings (that is, four housing areas, each with one household), plus a common area around the large central patio and platform.<br /></span><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">This paper not only contributed to advances in understanding demography, housing and social organization, but it also forms the basis for continuing analysis of spatial patterns at Teotihuacan. We are hot on the trail of a new analysis of urban density, using concepts and methods from urban economics. If you compare 20th century cities studied by economists, do you think Teotihuacan was more like U.S. cities, or Soviet-block socialist cities? We will tell you.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: medium;">Smith, ME and J Lobo (2019) Cities through the Ages: One Thing or Many? <i><u>Frontiers in Digital Humanities,</u></i> 6 (Special issue: Where to Cities Come From and Where are They Going to? Modelling Past and Present Agglomerations to Understand Urban Ways of Life):Article 12. <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fdigh.2019.00012/full" target="_blank">Click here</a>.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">This is another paper oriented toward providing a context for the work in settlement scaling. Whether one considers cities--across history and around the world--as one thing or as many things depends on what kinds of questions one asks, or what kinds of attributes one is examining. If you focus on political context, technology, energy use, or transport, then ancient cities were radically different from cities today. But, on the other hand, if you focus on the ways that people interact socially within the built environment--how that relates to population size and density, and on the positive outcomes from social interactions--then there seems to be only one type of city. These social interactions are fundamental for the dynamics and operation of cities and settlements through history, today and in the past.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/slider/old_new_03.jpg?itok=HhzwsOt6" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="615" height="640" src="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/slider/old_new_03.jpg?itok=HhzwsOt6" width="493" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">I love this image! It is from the Social Reactors Project website:<br /><a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/publications">https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/publications</a></td></tr></tbody></table></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;">Stay tuned for information on my urban publications since 2019. </span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><div><br /></div><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></p>Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-4202705622879963862019-01-12T16:09:00.000-07:002019-01-12T16:09:27.134-07:00Social Infrastructure in Cities Today: Eric Klinenberg's “Palaces for the People”<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHwKr37iTURfyftvce1-d4Bw_6RF50q595NTAeMDty7zYBKBugPjmtFzxGV7PHfYo1r8ZCjqGSVYSY1rKna1bq_VkFiD-nEcNiWXGXD6ePzcLBb-HAar1QXkeJfXnsdLlFyojZkAgalqM/s1600/BookCover-Klininberg.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="298" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHwKr37iTURfyftvce1-d4Bw_6RF50q595NTAeMDty7zYBKBugPjmtFzxGV7PHfYo1r8ZCjqGSVYSY1rKna1bq_VkFiD-nEcNiWXGXD6ePzcLBb-HAar1QXkeJfXnsdLlFyojZkAgalqM/s320/BookCover-Klininberg.jpg" width="211" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I just
finished reading Eric Klinenberg’s excellent new book, </span><i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Palaces for the People: How Social Infrastructure can Help Fight
Inequality, Polarization, and the Decline of Civic Life</i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">(Klinenberg 2018)</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. The book is about social
cohesion and its value for life and society today. Social cohesion refers to solidarity
and togetherness within a society or social group. In one definition:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Social
cohesion is defined as the willingness of members of a society to cooperate
with each other in order to survive and prosper. Willingness to cooperate means
they freely choose to form partnerships and have a reasonable chance of
realizing goals, because others are willing to cooperate and share the fruits
of their endeavours equitably. Social cohesion contributes to a wide variety of
social outcomes such as health and economic prosperity” <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Stanley 2003:5)</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnfHZUHU1e7aqvhw-rzVT2xxiwH62JYHgBR_rWkp_kF7EH77PmkuvEPjvVmBht6DysDoDhctidYItI9hyphenhyphen4ruG5vYf8JpO-LncQOQ2mqARE8wcJlAMZ_KSUEvm4jpMOL1dic5D5IEhSshY/s1600/Recreation-Soccer-Mexico.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="440" data-original-width="585" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnfHZUHU1e7aqvhw-rzVT2xxiwH62JYHgBR_rWkp_kF7EH77PmkuvEPjvVmBht6DysDoDhctidYItI9hyphenhyphen4ruG5vYf8JpO-LncQOQ2mqARE8wcJlAMZ_KSUEvm4jpMOL1dic5D5IEhSshY/s320/Recreation-Soccer-Mexico.jpg" width="320" /></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Social
cohesion is a positive value in societies today, and there is a HUGE scholarly
literature on the topic. Klinenberg’s primary insight is to show how the built
environment can promote social cohesion. When people gather in places like
libraries, parks, playgrounds, churches, or open markets, they interact with
one another. These social interactions often occur with persons who may differ
from one another in various ways. Social cohesion is a common outcome of these
interactions. By building, protecting, and promoting such places, governments
and authorities can promote the development of social cohesion, and “help fight
inequality, polarization, and the decline of civic life” (to quote Klinenberg’s
subtitle).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I find
Klinenberg’s approach particularly attractive for two reasons. First, his
emphasis on social interaction as the cause for development of social cohesion,
cooperation, and community makes sense. This is an idea that goes back to the
great sociologist Emile Durkheim. Durkheim argued that religion contributes to
social solidarity not because people share the same beliefs,</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuLdlsfS0jL2lrLOb7C9yYdinCl5tIvRNi67PgFVtewSklSkV-JlzZVp97csACBBbtlQmza85vofYuNM0XFDX-fcc3hGg15Ljanc6ZPqEtXJKXb5s-0Cs-QYr0ZwRrjUv-ksvUvTuAbCQ/s1600/Durkheim.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="225" data-original-width="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuLdlsfS0jL2lrLOb7C9yYdinCl5tIvRNi67PgFVtewSklSkV-JlzZVp97csACBBbtlQmza85vofYuNM0XFDX-fcc3hGg15Ljanc6ZPqEtXJKXb5s-0Cs-QYr0ZwRrjUv-ksvUvTuAbCQ/s1600/Durkheim.jpg" /></a></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">but because their
religion leads them to participate in common rituals and ceremonies. Anthropologist
David Kertzer’s book, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ritual, Politics,
and Power</i> <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Kertzer 1988)</span> is an
excellent study of this phenomenon, in both modern nations and the non-western
small-scale societies studied by ethnographers. In Kertzer’s words, “Solidarity
is produced by people acting together, not by people thinking together” (p.
76). Klinenberg puts it like this: “It’s long been understood that social
cohesion develops through repeated human interaction and joint participation in
shared projects, not merely from a principles commitment to abstract values and
beliefs” (p.11).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCTOM-YTnN4br_ExFM1QEDDyenlJoHgGvX2AcMBKB3fzm4D_9TAaBLPvXeMrgAL3jSmoVhhD62UhwtW7E-iS-DEEPLykGglbLSogkQyJ5bnxfIzal1GBR4_GcybwJiguVq_Ry9kvrJT2U/s1600/PuebloCeremony.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="317" data-original-width="633" height="160" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCTOM-YTnN4br_ExFM1QEDDyenlJoHgGvX2AcMBKB3fzm4D_9TAaBLPvXeMrgAL3jSmoVhhD62UhwtW7E-iS-DEEPLykGglbLSogkQyJ5bnxfIzal1GBR4_GcybwJiguVq_Ry9kvrJT2U/s320/PuebloCeremony.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">**DIGRESSION
ALERT!!** This focus on social interactions goes far beyond cohesion and
solidarity. In settlement scaling theory, face-to-face social interactions
within the built environment of settlements are the primary force that generates settlement agglomeration, social change, and economic growth. Luis
Bettencourt derived the quantitative model that predicts a number of
quantitative attributes of settlement based on population size <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Bettencourt 2013)</span>. The resulting empirical
regularities of settlement size have been identified in systems from the
contemporary U.S. to Medieval Europe <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Cesaretti
et al. 2016)</span>, to the pre-Inca Andes <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Ortman
et al. 2016)</span> and even some small-scale ancient North American societies <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Ortman and Coffey 2017)</span>. I’ll stop here, and
refer readers to the <a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/" target="_blank">website of the Social Reactors Project</a>. I
explore some of the issues in a recently-published paper (finally!!) that uses
the concept of “energized crowding”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>to
discuss the outcomes of social interaction in growing settlements <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Smith 2019)</span>. I’ve blogged about the scaling
research in a bunch of prior posts, including: <a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2015/10/is-there-science-of-human-settlements.html" target="_blank">Is There a Science of Human Settlements?;</a> <a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2015/10/is-there-science-of-human-settlements.html" target="_blank">Cities as Social Reactors</a>, and <a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/08/my-journey-in-settlement-scaling.html" target="_blank">My Journey in Settlement Scaling</a> (or search for the keyword "scaling" in this blog).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is getting
beyond Klinenberg’s book, but his discussion dovetails nicely with the scaling
research. **END OF<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>DIGRESSION**<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjG96kzLLefji8hndLUzu498n8c4m0gT5qX6ABz-ulKib12rkYm131m2wKE9X2LcL8BwrJBvGaKXP9kY6Aez0LRuGCdFO-yWzpwu1XEwaIPVhuUHi-LZ8bfqh9Y333JxWOZbGaoAkAiUNU/s1600/Plaza-Small-Callifornia-2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="237" data-original-width="360" height="210" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjG96kzLLefji8hndLUzu498n8c4m0gT5qX6ABz-ulKib12rkYm131m2wKE9X2LcL8BwrJBvGaKXP9kY6Aez0LRuGCdFO-yWzpwu1XEwaIPVhuUHi-LZ8bfqh9Y333JxWOZbGaoAkAiUNU/s320/Plaza-Small-Callifornia-2.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Let me give
an extended quotation from <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Palaces for
the People</i> that give important details:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Social
infrastructure is not ‘social capital’—a concept commonly used to measure
people’s relationships and interpersonal networks—but the physical conditions
that determine whether social capital develops. When social infrastructure is
robust, it fosters contact mutual support, and collaboration among friends and
neighbors; when degraded, it inhibits social activity, leaving families and
individuals to fend for themselves. Social infrastructure is crucially
important, because local, face-to-face interactions—at the school, the
playground, and the corner diner—are the building blocks of all public life.
People forge bonds in places that have healthy social infrastructures—not because
they set out to build community, but because when people engage in sustained,
recurrent interaction, particularly while doing things they enjoy, relationship
inevitably grow” (p.5)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This leads
into the second reason I particularly like Klinenberg’s approach—the importance
of the built environment, and of the social and physical attributes of specific
places that promote social cohesion. As an archaeologist, I study buildings and
spaces where interactions once took place. Of course, the big problem for
archaeology is that the physical remains—of a room, a building, or a formal
open place—do not include the rules, norms, or practices of ancient patterns of
behavior. Furthermore, archaeologists rarely encounter the furniture and other
semi-fixed feature elements <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Rapoport 1990)</span>
that are a crucial component of any setting for activities.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In a few cases,
however, social cohesion and its physical context can be recovered
archaeologically. I am thinking of well-understood historically-recent contexts
where the archaeology is supplemented by written records. My student April
Kamp-Whittaker is writing her dissertation on social cohesion, neighborhoods,
and social dynamics at <a href="https://amache.org/" target="_blank">Amache, a World-War-II Japanese internment camp</a>, and
I am envious of the level of detail—both archaeological and documentary—she has
to work with. Her research will make a contribution to our understanding of
social cohesion, both in specific difficult conditions (an internment camp),
and as a general phenomenon.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A less direct
use of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Palaces for the People</i> for
archaeologists is that it provides likely details and patterns for some of the
contexts we study in ancient cities. For example, one might infer that
premodern societies with more collective forms of governance had more, or
larger, facilities of social infrastructure, compared to societies with more
autocratic forms of rule. (See my post, <a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/12/ramses-ii-vs-pericles-or-darth-vader-vs.html" target="_blank">"Ramses II vs. Pericles, or Darth Vader vs. the Rebel Alliance"</a>) This is something that is always on the minds of those of
us who deal with ancient Teotihuacan. But, I’m not sure how far this can be
pushed. In modern societies, civic life, social processes, and government are
radically different from those of any ancient society. It requires some thought
to figure out how well concepts like “social infrastructure” translate to early
or nonwestern contexts. I am mulling these ideas over, and perhaps will blog
about them in the near future.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Palaces for the People </span></i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">is Andrew Carnegie’s term for public
libraries in the U.S. Carnegie funded hundreds of libraries around the country,
most of which are still active today. The book has a nice contrast between Carnegie's attitude and works and those of a modern equivalent figure, Marc Zuckerberg. Klinenberg devotes a lot of space on
libraries. While reading the book last week, I went to use a small branch
library in rural Texas (to use the internet connection). The first thing I did
was look for the public spaces, and yes, there was a big community room where
local groups can meet. There is much more in this book that I don’t have space
to go into. I highly recommend it. It will make you pay more attention to
social infrastructure, and will help you appreciate its value and importance in
society today.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiVr3V-mk5NzPiQ_ajeOyMoWi2DqvpBz2qGW9rKVBOSJw8MPdEZeBmb-nsUz7quuFkA377tPJ1TI6RB-3h_tUobhiXwlGChUSuCO6tyY1RHc7APfOlUlY8F2K83aZXnripnPjQJh3Jw90/s1600/Library.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="860" height="178" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiVr3V-mk5NzPiQ_ajeOyMoWi2DqvpBz2qGW9rKVBOSJw8MPdEZeBmb-nsUz7quuFkA377tPJ1TI6RB-3h_tUobhiXwlGChUSuCO6tyY1RHc7APfOlUlY8F2K83aZXnripnPjQJh3Jw90/s320/Library.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Bettencourt, Luís M. A.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2013<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The
Origins of Scaling in Cities. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Science</i>
340: 1438-1441.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cesaretti, Rudolf, Luís M. A.
Bettencourt, Jose Lobo, Scott Ortman, and Michael E. Smith<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Population-Area
Relationship in Medieval European Cities. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">PLOS-One</i>
11 (10): e162678.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span class="MsoHyperlink">http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0162678</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Kertzer, David I.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1988<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ritual, Politics, and Power</i>. Yale
University Press, New Haven.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Klinenberg, Eric<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2018<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Palaces for the People: How Social
Infrastructure can Help Fight Inequality, Polarization, and the Decline of
Civic Life</i>. Crown, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ortman, Scott G. and Grant D. Coffey<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2017<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Settlement
Scaling in Middle-Range Societies. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">American
Antiquity</i> 82 (4): 662-682.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ortman, Scott G., Kaitlyn E. Davis,
José Lobo, Michael E. Smith, Luis M.A. Bettencourt, and Aaron Trumbo<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Settlement
Scaling and Economic Change in the Central Andes. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of Archaeological Science</i> 73: 94-106.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span class="MsoHyperlink">http://bit.ly/2aHXpGk</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Rapoport, Amos<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1990<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Systems
of Activities and Systems of Settings<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i>
In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Domestic Architecture and the Use of
Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross-Cultural Study</i>, edited by Susan Kent, pp.
9-20. Cambridge University Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/29477031/_Energized_Crowding_and_the_Generative_Role_of_Settlement_Aggregation_and_Urbanization_2019_" target="_blank">Smith, Michael E.<o:p></o:p></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.academia.edu/29477031/_Energized_Crowding_and_the_Generative_Role_of_Settlement_Aggregation_and_Urbanization_2019_" target="_blank">2019 TheGenerative Role of Settlement Aggregation and Urbanization. In Coming Together:Comparative Approaches to Population Aggregation and Early Urbanization,edited by Attila Gyucha, pp. 37-58. State University of New York Press, Albany.</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Stanley, Dick<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2003<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>What
Do We Know about Social Cohesion: The Research Perspective of the Federal
Government's Social Cohesion Research Network. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Canadian Journal of Sociology ' Cahiers canadiens de sociologie</i>
28 (1): 5-17.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-52954068650588775542018-11-12T09:21:00.000-07:002018-11-12T09:21:02.587-07:00Forbes publishes an error-filled article on Teotihuacan<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj84R0qXyRdtIcGLvwxb56H9QdBhxeZ-AikwXOgtI0r6OmSLI8_Vw-8OfADUBwkbIrFRCS4NxZbELtq-NuoxqMzVhxjBaYykk2YZoVSWcXb9Xk5nSlp6r_LE8-8rxWy0fNNkZ1qV2qhAgA/s1600/Moon-Plaza.gif" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="432" height="222" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj84R0qXyRdtIcGLvwxb56H9QdBhxeZ-AikwXOgtI0r6OmSLI8_Vw-8OfADUBwkbIrFRCS4NxZbELtq-NuoxqMzVhxjBaYykk2YZoVSWcXb9Xk5nSlp6r_LE8-8rxWy0fNNkZ1qV2qhAgA/s320/Moon-Plaza.gif" width="320" /></a>This tweet came through yesterday, advertising an article in Forbes:<br />
<br />
Geologists have mapped a secret tunnel and chamber found beneath an Aztec Pyramid:
<span class="tco-ellipsis"></span><a class="twitter-timeline-link" data-expanded-url="http://on.forbes.com/6015EBVRt" dir="ltr" href="https://t.co/3hY7uvGDbU" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank" title="http://on.forbes.com/6015EBVRt"><span class="invisible">http://</span><span class="js-display-url">on.forbes.com/6015EBVRt</span><span class="invisible"></span><span class="tco-ellipsis"><span class="invisible"> </span></span></a><br />
<br />
Geophysical prospection work recently uncovered a tunnel/chamber deep underneath the Pyramid of the Moon at Teotihuacan. This is potentially exciting news; the most spectacular finds at Teotihuacan in the past decade are from another tunnel, excavated by Sergio Gomez under the Feathered Serpent Pyramid at the site. Indeed,t some of these objects are part of the current exhibit of Teotihuacan art, "Teotihuacan: City of Fire, City of Water"<a href="http://www.phxart.org/exhibition/teotihuacan" target="_blank"> now at the Phoenix Art Museum</a>.<br />
<br />
A big problem with the Forbes article is that it calls Teotihuacan an Aztec site. Oops. As is well-known, Teotihuacan was abandoned and in ruins centuries before the Aztecs came on the scene. Several us us posted complaints on twitter, including Caroline Dodds-Pennock. Then I got an email from Alex Knapp, Associated Editor for Science at Forbes, asking just what was wrong with the article. I replied by sending him this list:<br />
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(1)
Error in the title: This is not an
“Aztec” pyramid, as claimed. It was built and abandoned long before the Aztec
period.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(2)
Error in the first sentence: In contrast with the text, Teotihuacan was not an
important center “during the Aztec empire.” It flourished a thousand years
before the Aztec empire.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(3)
Misleading date in the second sentence: Technically, the claim that Teo
monuments “predate the Aztec empire by at least 300 years is correct. With the
same logic, you could claim that the Romans preceded the United States by at
least 300 years. This is technically correct, but misleading. Teotihuacan flourished from AD 100 to
600. Aztec society dates to AD
1100-1521, and the Aztec empire dates to AD 1428 – 1519.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(4)
Error in second paragraph, the Moon pyramid does not “appear taller” than the
Sun pyramid, as claimed. See photo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(5)
Misleading statement, last paragraph: “The origin of the tunnel system - and
the city – remains mysterious.” The term mysterious is frequently taken by the
public to mean that some feature is too advanced or complicated for mere
mortals to have devised, and thus one must invoke aliens. It is a common term
on “Ancient Aliens” and pseudo-scientific internet sites that claim ancient
cities were built by aliens. Archaeologists have data on the origins of the
city, and this particular tunnel has not been sufficiently studied to
reconstruct its chronology. There is nothing mysterious about the city or the
tunnel.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(6)
Error, last paragraph: “Archaeologists attributed the foundation of Teotihuacan
to various Mesoamerican cultures, like the Toltec, Zapotec, Mixtec, and even
Maya.” I know of no archaeologist who has ever claimed any of these cultures as
the founders or source of Teotihuacan. Prior to 1941, some archaeologists
speculated that Teotihuacan was a Toltec site (that is, built by the historical
Toltecs). But after 1941, it was recognized that The Toltec capital was Tula,
not Teotihuacan, and that Tula rose to prominence 400 years after the fall of
Teotihuacan. The other suggestions are ridiculous.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(7)
Misleading statement, last sentence: “Then the Aztec took over the abandoned
ruins.” The Aztecs were aware of the ruins, and they even built some towns on
the site of the ancient city. But they did not “take over” the ruins, in the
sense of establishing an official presence, or regulating the ruins, or
claiming them as belonging to the Aztec state or empire.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(8)
Error, last sentence: the Aztecs “rebuilt the old temples and expanded the
preexisting tunnel-system.” The Aztecs did not rebuild the temples of
Teotihuacan. As for the tunnels, we don’t know yet whether the Aztecs used or
modified them.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<o:p>We'll see what happens.</o:p></div>
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<br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-45031418960391740942018-10-07T21:04:00.000-07:002018-10-07T21:08:59.758-07:00Thinking about the art of Teotihuacan<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This post consists of an outline of themes and topics that relate to the art of Teotihuacan. It is focused on the objects in the exhibit, <a href="http://www.phxart.org/exhibition/teotihuacan" target="_blank">Teotihuacan: City of Water, City of Fire,</a> currently at the Phoenix Art Museum. This is not a guide to the exhibit. Instead, I describe some of the main themes, gods, contexts, media, and rituals, all found in the objects at the exhibit. For more information about Teotihuacan, see an earlier post on this blog, "<a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2018/07/teotihuacan-was-one-of-major-cities-of.html" target="_blank">Resources on Teotihuacan.</a>" I am an archaeologist, not an art historian, and I am a relative newcomer to Teotihuacan research. </span><span style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">If you find errors or problems in the list, or if you have suggestions or reactions, please feel free to email me.</span><br />
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<b><i><span style="font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Themes and categories in the
exhibit, “Teotihuacan: City of Water, City of Fire”<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: 11.5pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Dr. Michael E.
Smith, Arizona State University, October 6, 2018</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 11.5pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Major Themes in the exhibit<o:p></o:p></span></span></h1>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">1.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Religion and ritual (most items relate to these)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">2.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Wealth and prosperity (the overall impression of all the objects,
and the city)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">3.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Foreign connections (see especially the Zapotec stela and urn from
Oaxaca)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">4.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Urbanization (city size, economic activities, housing, domestic
ritual)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">5.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Aztec heritage (gods and other elements from Teotihuacan were
later used by the Aztecs)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 11.5pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Main Gods:<o:p></o:p></span></span></h1>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">1.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Storm god (goggle eyes, fangs and curled upper lip, holding
lightning bolts), Rain, storms, fertility; also, military might and battle.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">2.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Old fire god (sculptures, an old man sitting cross-legged with a
receptacle for a hat).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">3.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Feathered serpent (pretty obvious).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 11.5pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Contexts:<o:p></o:p></span></span></h1>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">The
tunnel under the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (objects near the entrance)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Pyramids:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">o<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Pyramid of the Sun<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">o<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Pyramid of the Moon<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">o<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Feathered Serpent Pyramid<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Civic
complexes:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">o<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Xalla<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">o<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Plaza of the Columns<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Residences<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 11.5pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Media:<o:p></o:p></span></span></h1>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Mural
paintings (fresco technique)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Large
stone sculptures (of basalt, andesite)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Masks,
statues, and other objects of fine-grained stone<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Jewelry
and small objects<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Almenas
(roof ornaments: geometric, animal-form, and storm-god images)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Stucco-painted
ceramic vessels (fresco technique; vessels from domestic offerings)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Other
ceramic vessels<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Ceramic
figurines<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Shell
and animal bones<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Obsidian
cores<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 11.5pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Rituals:<o:p></o:p></span></span></h1>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Offerings<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Incense<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Scattering<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">·<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-size: 11.5pt;">Sacrifice<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For more information, <a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2018/07/teotihuacan-was-one-of-major-cities-of.html" target="_blank">see my prior post</a>. Or check out the Twitter feed of the ASU lab at Teotihuacan: <a href="https://twitter.com/asuteolab">https://twitter.com/asuteolab</a>, or mine: <a href="https://twitter.com/MichaelESmith">https://twitter.com/MichaelESmith</a>.</span></div>
Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-51454091548320705422018-08-26T19:31:00.000-07:002018-08-27T09:10:42.571-07:00Classic Maya Urban Demography<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisxRspc110GaeBcLpApL-T3PYhD9ZpNAZorMIEkEiDnjPLwDPQF7y3pA67MPyeGSc4LBP4e9EutQzH6BM6Kzw3JlB6Br_jnsMDCOalmb8J021b4pwwtm_MsKL6IjOdqXin0NAY0oUlmjY/s1600/Tikal-12.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="739" data-original-width="535" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisxRspc110GaeBcLpApL-T3PYhD9ZpNAZorMIEkEiDnjPLwDPQF7y3pA67MPyeGSc4LBP4e9EutQzH6BM6Kzw3JlB6Br_jnsMDCOalmb8J021b4pwwtm_MsKL6IjOdqXin0NAY0oUlmjY/s320/Tikal-12.jpg" width="231" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">Two factors conspire right now to
emphasize to me the importance of ancient Maya urban demography. First, I
finished reading David Webster’s new book, </span><i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">The
Population of Tikal</i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">(Webster 2018)</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;">. Second,
today I returned from a Working Group of <a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/" target="_blank">the Social Reactors Project</a> at the <a href="https://www.santafe.edu/" target="_blank">Santa Fe Institute</a> , where our focus was on Maya cities and settlements.
Needless to say, we talked a lot about population.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">One of the most important things one
can know about a city or settlement is its size. How many people lived there?
Over what area? (and, consequently, What was the density and how did it vary?)
These are fundamental observations in many disciplines that study cities and
settlements, from urban history to urban economics, to urban geography. In chapter
3 of my current book, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Urban Life in the
Distant Past,</i> I make the case for the importance of knowing the sizes of
cities in the past <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Smith n.d.)</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Webster’s book reviews past population
estimates for Tikal (and other Maya sites and regions). These are judged to have
been too high, largely on the basis of comparative studies of regional
population densities of early states in other parts of the world. “By
overestimating Classic Maya populations, we have created problems that do not
exist” (p. 3):<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Why were Maya
populations so large and dense compared to other early states<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">How could the
landscape support so many people,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">How can we explain
the huge population drop with the Classic Maya collapse?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGOqoDhsPIRvbYjgzWptPXPtqRVBuuE2BuD_Grpro3XJ0Yv4VZGs5RHMUfi48xwczK76QBFUqnrtmfOMaDXk76hRRIRWFRehRhj8Vsp6QrMTbotlkWSYkm7KO0Pjw94zQSzd99EEmd_3s/s1600/Webster-18-PopulationTikal.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1128" data-original-width="1497" height="301" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGOqoDhsPIRvbYjgzWptPXPtqRVBuuE2BuD_Grpro3XJ0Yv4VZGs5RHMUfi48xwczK76QBFUqnrtmfOMaDXk76hRRIRWFRehRhj8Vsp6QrMTbotlkWSYkm7KO0Pjw94zQSzd99EEmd_3s/s400/Webster-18-PopulationTikal.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p><br /></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p><br /></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">But wait, how can you compare an urban
density at Tikal to a regional density for other regions? Isn’t that a
comparison of apples and oranges? Those familiar with David Webster’s past work
will get this right away: The Maya did not have cities, and therefore the
concept of urban population density is moot!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“I prefer not to call any part of this landscape a ‘city’.” (p. 35). OK,
maybe instead of “urban” we should call inner Tikal, “The area close to the
pyramids that had a higher density than the outlying areas.” But this would still
cast doubt on many of Webster’s comparisons.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWEB8HwVZb5xCDn1ugZsXOOSOCe-9mZQwEPbJyqEbSZTZaDvlu8GcO7-eF0iasDcAAAV7IgFufvxTqa5Z8P0WyZXjGMVsNFv8vKkiH8zMorlbVoEH-ABLEWMb9lBi2cFQdL_IbSA_pKsw/s1600/Tikal-Map-EpicCoe.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="688" data-original-width="476" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWEB8HwVZb5xCDn1ugZsXOOSOCe-9mZQwEPbJyqEbSZTZaDvlu8GcO7-eF0iasDcAAAV7IgFufvxTqa5Z8P0WyZXjGMVsNFv8vKkiH8zMorlbVoEH-ABLEWMb9lBi2cFQdL_IbSA_pKsw/s320/Tikal-Map-EpicCoe.jpg" width="221" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Another problem I have with the new
book is that much of the quantitative data are presented within the text, and
not in tables. Yes, there are a few data tables with some pertinent information.
But I get confused, for example, when he gives a population estimate for Tikal
of 10,000 (p. 52, paragraph 2), an area estimate of 452 square km (p.52, paragraph
7), and an overall density of “100-175 people per sq. km” (same paragraph). Huh?
10,000 people divided by 452 sq km is a density of 22.1 persons per sq km. One
of these figures must be off.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">I must admit that this is a pet peeve:
If you use quantitative data, put them in a table! I struggled throughout the
book with this. Yes, there are a couple of tables with data. But where making
detailed comparisons and analyses of population and density data throughout the
book, the figures are only found in the text, not in tables. Putting
quantitative data into the text but not in a table makes it difficult for
readers to re-use or analyze the data.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">I’ll stop here, this is not a book
review. The book is fun to read, like most of David Webster’s work, and I
learned a lot. But the basic quantitative treatment, and the lack of a good
conceptual framework for urbanism, or for regional settlement variation, limits
the value of the book.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Our working group on Maya settlement
included my colleagues in the Social Reactors Project, plus Jerry Sabloff,
Bernadette Cap, Adrian Chase, Julie Hoggarth, and Heather Richards-Rissetto. Sarah
Klassen, who works on urban issues at Angkor, also participated. <a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/2018/08/27/meeting-challenge-low-density-urbanism" target="_blank">See a short description of the session here.</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Instead of giving a report of our
workshop on Maya settlement, I’ll just mention a few key points.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">First, we have found data on several
regional settlement systems where area scales with population in a superlinear
fashion. That is, larger sites are LESS DENSE than smaller sites; This is the
opposite of all other agricultural societies we have studied (<a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/publications" target="_blank">see our papers here</a>). So, Maya settlement differs from other agricultural societies in
ways that remain hard to pin down. We have a paper in the works, and plans for
more collaborations and research in the future.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Second, some Maya settlements are very
much like settlements in other areas, and some are very different. Not too
surprising, I guess, but we discussed some of the patterns.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Third, Angkor looks very different from
the Maya cities. It had a very dense urban core, with planned orthogonal
neighborhoods surrounding major temples, surrounded by a large sprawling area
of temples, houses, and reservoirs, In comparison, Maya urban cores seem only
slightly higher in density than their outer neighborhoods. I’m starting to
wonder about the usefulness of Roland Fletcher’s <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(2009; 2012)</span> concept of “low-density urbanism” as a category that
includes the Classic Maya and Angkor.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Fourth, we discussed the use of LiDAR for analyzing the sizes and layouts of Maya cities.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigGEDGiJ2hgBS222QkN4pgUahyphenhypheneU1DQDywOixo2BWD6RJ8LrvCJCKCDB7LpzThWMPu7UuwjkxQhS9r9DadW-4HUrmaAfLwqmkC5MrI5sPqIlGPF3_LgDbGwjYvZhBkIj74yohuR1XaL9o/s1600/Tikal-Lidar-NGS.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="179" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigGEDGiJ2hgBS222QkN4pgUahyphenhypheneU1DQDywOixo2BWD6RJ8LrvCJCKCDB7LpzThWMPu7UuwjkxQhS9r9DadW-4HUrmaAfLwqmkC5MrI5sPqIlGPF3_LgDbGwjYvZhBkIj74yohuR1XaL9o/s320/Tikal-Lidar-NGS.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">We spent some time comparing Tikal and
Caracol. My view is that Caracol was a large, integrated urban center, while
Tikal was a much smaller city of ca. 16 sq km. (I know the Chases will agree
about Caracol, but I’m not sure of their views of Tikal). A key question –
indeed, one of our targeted themes at the working group – is the nature of
settlement boundaries. I don’t see any evidence for clear boundaries at Tikal.
However, there does seem to be a drop-off in density beyond the central 16 sq
km mapped by Carr and Hazard, which favors bounding the city there (see table).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Whereas Caracol has various features
that seem to signal a spatial and social integration over a large area
(causeways, replicated patterns of civic architecture pointing to the integration
of different areas, and a continuous stretch of agricultural terracing). Outside
of the core area, Tikal lacks these things. All those areas beyond several km
from downtown Tikal – these must have been rural areas, the hinterland of the
city of Tikal. This is a provisional analysis. I want to analyze the density
patterns objectively (kernel density analysis), to see whether there is indeed
a zone of declining density (well, more precisely, I want a student to do this…).
We should do such analyses for all of the Maya (and other!) sites that are well
mapped. Intra-urban density distributions are a big unknown for ancient cities,
but we now have the data and methods to work on this question.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHv5IFSfgeEfJglmrVFIl5Yi1z8q8FHaSKhRgxPyWU5lho7w3uMfZO4f4z9maa01ASEvkRtTyXKZtK_w-3Q93hiBSmEAc9_MyawHUD6IIx9pIF9t-kU5ZeavGCGV7GJARZbVvbOYU4pBI/s1600/TikalPopTable.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="372" data-original-width="730" height="163" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHv5IFSfgeEfJglmrVFIl5Yi1z8q8FHaSKhRgxPyWU5lho7w3uMfZO4f4z9maa01ASEvkRtTyXKZtK_w-3Q93hiBSmEAc9_MyawHUD6IIx9pIF9t-kU5ZeavGCGV7GJARZbVvbOYU4pBI/s320/TikalPopTable.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">This<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>table shows a bit of density data. I was having trouble finding the
information, buried in Webster’s text, so I got the Maya figures from a nice
table in a paper by Barbara Stark <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Stark 2014)</span>.
Note the drop of 50% in density beyond the central 16 sq km. Teotihuacan
figures are from a paper now under review <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Smith,
et al. n.d.)</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">I think it would help if archaeologists
could agree on a series of zones over which to calculate population density. Density
is, in fact, a very complex phenomenon for modern cities, with lots of relevant
measures <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Campoli, and MacLean 2007; Dovey, and
Pafka 2014)</span>. But for archaeology, it is best to concentrate on straight
population density (persons per hectare), calculated over one of several
spatial units (depending on available data and on research questions). I
suggest five relevant units, as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Regional density, 1: Large
area</span></i></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">.
For a large zone including several urban centers. E.g., the southern Maya
lowlands. Useful for large-scale comparisons (of the type Webster makes with
other regions).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Regional density, 2:
Urban hinterland.</span></i></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">
Density over the hinterland of a city. E.g., Copan Valley. Useful to compare
settlement in, say, the Copan Valley with the Belize River Valley.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Urban density: whole
city</span></i></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">
(all of Tikal or Caracol, or Teotihuacan). This is probably the most useful
measure for urban comparisons. Of course, one must first identify the
boundaries of the urban settlement….. We discussed this at SFI, and I am
working on some methodological guidelines.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Epicenter density:</span></i></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"> The population
density of residences clustered around the ceremonial core. Not sure if this
should include the civic areas or not. I am less confident in this unit,
compared to the others.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Neighborhood density</span></i></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">: Density of a
delimited neighborhood or zone. This is useful for several reasons: (1) To
compare neighborhoods within a city; (2) To generate density data where
whole-site information is not available. For example, consider Mohenjo-daro.
Several neighborhoods have been completely excavated, but the residential
patterns of the entire site are not clear.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLe2IFQspyHV_I6KSxQ1HKIsh5e3rrJQ9FKZ87l6E0VT54Hv-dTIEILLikhzLgeOR0Na2mIO3tdnMskaduu3qUi7q4ovJZFFX3B01zOdgN4dZFN1mdHSXNrze-5ZsqZMdhZmT3ObJCH6I/s1600/MD-Map-Possehl.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="601" data-original-width="594" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLe2IFQspyHV_I6KSxQ1HKIsh5e3rrJQ9FKZ87l6E0VT54Hv-dTIEILLikhzLgeOR0Na2mIO3tdnMskaduu3qUi7q4ovJZFFX3B01zOdgN4dZFN1mdHSXNrze-5ZsqZMdhZmT3ObJCH6I/s320/MD-Map-Possehl.jpg" width="316" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">If you were looking for solid data or conclusions
about Maya urban demography here, I am sorry to disappoint you. This field is
in its infancy. Culbert and Rice <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Culbert, and
Rice 1990)</span> was a crucial work, but there has been very little work since
then. Webster’s new book is a step in the right direction, but we need many
more such analyses (with lots of data in tables!). But I am more optimistic now
than I’ve been for some time now. The session at SFI made some progress, and I
see some good research coming out of these and other archaeologists in the near
future. I am itching to work on settlement delineation at a variety of sites,
using quantitative spatial methods. And, finally, I know that a number of
prominent Mayanists agree that urban demography is important, and I look
forward to more work in the near future.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">References<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Campoli,
Julie and Alex S. MacLean<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2007)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Visualizing
Density</i>. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, MA.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Culbert,
T. Patrick and Don S. Rice (editors)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(1990)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Precolombian Population History in the Maya Lowlands</i>. University of
New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Dovey,
Kim and Elek Pafka<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2014)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Urban Density Assemblage: Modelling
Multiple Measures. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Urban Design
International</i> 19:66-76.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Fletcher,
Roland<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2009)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Low-Density, Agrarian-Based Urbanism: A
Comparative View. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Insights (University of
Durham)</i> 2:article 4.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Fletcher,
Roland<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2012)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Low-Density, Agrarian-Based Urbanism: Scale,
Power and Ecology<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i> In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Comparative Archaeology of Complex
Societies</i>, edited by Michael E. Smith, pp. 285-320. Cambridge University
Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Smith,
Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(n.d.)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Urban
Life in the Distant Past: Archaeology and Comparative Urbanism</i>. (book in
progress).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Smith,
Michael E., Abhishek Chatterjee, Sierra Stewart, Angela Huster and Marion Forest<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(n.d.)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Apartment compounds, households, and population at Teotihuacan<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(paper under review).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Stark,
Barbara L.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2014)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ancient Open Space, Gardens, and Parks: A
Comparative Discussion of Mesoamerican Urbanism<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i> In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Making Ancient Cities:
Space and Place in Early Urban Societies</i>, edited by Kevin D. Fisher and
Andy Creekmore, pp. 370-406. University Press of Colorado, Boulder.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 11.0pt;">Webster,
David<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2018)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Population of Tikal: Implications for Maya Demography</i>. Archaeopress,
Oxford.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Urban toilet at Mohenjo-daro</td></tr>
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<br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-76890723216150908702018-07-30T19:25:00.000-07:002018-10-07T21:06:47.936-07:00Resources on Teotihuacan (revised yet again)<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpwgYhdUhRxzGUQZOmF0kmb8rDnFba_Vo93Zfqzscywt1gPiwrwbDZIl449PeZpUEhYctziHi1TV52D7tqY2TiCNs1KAGCMq80pmV_P1toj44XEinTaKAV3e0lBLna6IKQZVkEgUMlYN4/s1600/USED_shutterstock_49130554-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="785" data-original-width="800" height="196" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpwgYhdUhRxzGUQZOmF0kmb8rDnFba_Vo93Zfqzscywt1gPiwrwbDZIl449PeZpUEhYctziHi1TV52D7tqY2TiCNs1KAGCMq80pmV_P1toj44XEinTaKAV3e0lBLna6IKQZVkEgUMlYN4/s200/USED_shutterstock_49130554-LR.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Teotihuacan was one of the major cities of the ancient world, and
the available materials on the internet are scattered around. The Wikipedia
entry is not very good. I have not seen a good bibliography of works for
someone who wants to know about research at the site as written by the relevant
archaeologists or good journalists. I am going to use this blog post to create
a bibliography and guide to materials on Teotihuacan. It may take me a while to
get it all together, so please check back periodically. If you have
suggestions, please send them to me.</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Best Book on Teotihuacan !!!</span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfAiwlNb8Nn4UBpLt_NJ2Jo_Foid5fkPVrCinI3OZbGKv7UDwMxp8snpPy25aleBS8Bv2PbFk_ogRUuDceTkQSDSVH2wx8e80r09FnvuNZQ3zQiwWk8cX5SZ7uiktl_mmcHN6sap5l65c/s1600/BookCover-Cowgill.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="808" data-original-width="542" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfAiwlNb8Nn4UBpLt_NJ2Jo_Foid5fkPVrCinI3OZbGKv7UDwMxp8snpPy25aleBS8Bv2PbFk_ogRUuDceTkQSDSVH2wx8e80r09FnvuNZQ3zQiwWk8cX5SZ7uiktl_mmcHN6sap5l65c/s320/BookCover-Cowgill.jpg" width="214" /></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Some Good
Journalist Articles on Teotihuacan REsearch<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Wade, Lizzie<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2017 </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2017/03/it-wasnt-just-greece-archaeologists-find-early-democratic-societies-americas" target="_blank">It wasn't just Greece: Archaeologists find early democraticsocieties in the Americas. Science2 55:1114-1118</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Moran, Barbara<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2015 </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.bu.edu/research/articles/archaeology-teotihuacan-mexico/" target="_blank">Lessons from Teotihuacan. Bostonia (Fall 2015): 36-43.</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Wade, Lizzie<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2014 </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://science.sciencemag.org/content/344/6185/684" target="_blank">Beyond the Temples:Turning Their Backs onSpectacular Monuments, Archaeologists are StudyingOrdinary Households toUncover the Daily Rhythms of Long-Lost Cities. Science 344:684-686.</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">· <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Vance, Erik<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2014 </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.nature.com/scientificamerican/journal/v311/n1/full/scientificamerican0714-48.html" target="_blank"> Gods of Blood and Stone. Scientific American July:48-55</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1aA04Onapqza_B7ZqxliF1YOgAxxtSyAkT1DBJ8EgGJMM7VwJ-ChM1JZc3zh4RLhebxbShz67t5Wu4Pf64-pUWYWd27iV1LlNJKd-GkXkNQOL5MtL4ZjQN1PM_eW893KB7bZlpnbT6PE/s1600/KatieLisaWorking-2-2016.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="559" data-original-width="750" height="236" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1aA04Onapqza_B7ZqxliF1YOgAxxtSyAkT1DBJ8EgGJMM7VwJ-ChM1JZc3zh4RLhebxbShz67t5Wu4Pf64-pUWYWd27iV1LlNJKd-GkXkNQOL5MtL4ZjQN1PM_eW893KB7bZlpnbT6PE/s320/KatieLisaWorking-2-2016.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Some Good
Videos on the ASU Teotihuacan Lab:<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">· ASU
Now: “</span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://asunow.asu.edu/20160826-discoveries-asu-teotihuacan-research-lab-mexico" target="_blank">Discoveries:ASU lab digs deep intoancient city’s past”</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">· ASU
Now: “</span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://asunow.asu.edu/20160829-global-engagement-asu-teotihuacan-laboratory-scholars-around-world" target="_blank">Global Engagement: A university lab for all”</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">· ASU
Now: “</span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://asunow.asu.edu/20160830-global-engagement-asu-teotihuacan-lab-organizing-storeroom" target="_blank">Global Engagement: Taming Teo’s teeming storeroom</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://shesc.asu.edu/centers/teotihuacan-research-laboratory" target="_blank">Check out our lab's website</a>. In this photo, I am sitting in front of a wall of groundstone crates. It is an attractive backdrop, but I doubt our employee Oscar would agree (he is moving these crates around this week).</span><br />
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<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Other recent internet articles</span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My paper in Slate:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“In this ancient city, even commoners lived in
palaces:<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://slate.com/technology/2018/04/teotihuacn-the-ancient-city-upending-archaeologists-assumptions-about-wealth-inequality.html" target="_blank">https://slate.com/technology/2018/04/teotihuacn-the-ancient-city-upending-archaeologists-assumptions-about-wealth-inequality.html</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> <o:p></o:p></span><br />
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<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Spanish version of
the above (in HuffPost-Mexico), "</span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span lang="ES-MX" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/%E2%80%A2https:/www.huffingtonpost.com.mx/michael-smith/la-curiosa-leccion-de-igualdad-social-que-revela-teotihuacan_a_23383703/?utm_hp_ref=mx-voces&ncid=tweetlnkushpmg00000053" target="_blank">Lacuriosa leccion de igualidad social que revela Teotihuacan</a></span></span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">" </span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Review Articles (articles that review many recent works, with long
bibliographies)</span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">*** I have taken the liberty of posting the more relevant papers
by Millon and Cowgill. If there is not a link, and you want a copy, please
contact the article's author directly.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nichols, Deborah L.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Teotihuacan. <i>Journal
of Archaeological Research</i> 24 (1): 1-74.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Millon, René<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1rfBMgvJYOl8ZXt6wX2_lv4JmMwO-yiD0/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">1976 Social Relations in AncientTeotihuacan.In The Valley of Mexico: Studies of Pre-Hispanic Ecology andSociety,edited by Eric R. Wolf, pp. 205-248. University of New MexicoPress,Albuquerque.</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Millon, René<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1981 </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/164MD_YTSb5PUdEGob-I2xy0RoC77JC1J/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">Teotihuacan: City, State, and Civilization.In Archaeology,edited by Jeremy Sabloff, pp. 198-243. Supplement to theHandbook of MiddleAmerican Indians, vol. 1. University of Texas Press, Austin</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Millon, René<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1992 </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1TpLU2Fke4wI0e_dLXqGBNm3arrtTK992/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">Teotihuacan Studies: From 1950 to 1990 andBeyond. In Art,Ideology, and the City of Teotihuacan, edited byJanet C. Berlo, pp. 339-429.Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC.</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cowgill, George L.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1bPfMaa0oN0LVjfq_2i-NOSW2tEJ8fpn_/view?usp=sharing" target="_blank">1997 State and Society at Teotihuacan,Mexico. AnnualReview of Anthropology 26: 129-161.</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cowgill, George L.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1qRSpeZU0dzrw-oHgGE54E2qJVEvy5pSp/view?usp=sharing">2008
An Update on Teotihuacan. Antiquity82: 962-975.</a></span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Select List of publications on Teotihuacan</b></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Aveni, Anthony F.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2005<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Observations on the
Pecked Designs and other Figures Carved on the South Platform of the Pyramid of
the Sun at Teotihuacan. Journal for the History of Astronomy 36 (1): 31-47.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cabrera Castro, Rubén, Sergio Gómez Chávez, and Julie Gazzola<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2007<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>New Findings of Mural
Painting. </span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">In Museo de murales Teotihuacanos Beatriz
de la Fuente, edited by María Teresa Uriarte and Tatiana Falcón, pp. 229-239.
Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
México, Mexico City.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Carballo, David M.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2007<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Implements of State
Power: Weaponry and Martially Themes Obsidian Production near the Moon Pyramid,
Teotihuacan. Ancient Mesoamerica 18 (1): 173-190.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2013<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Social Organization
of Craft Production and Interregional Exchange at Teotihuacan. In Merchants,
Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World, edited by Kenneth G. Hirth
and Joanne Pillsbury, pp. 113-140. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Clayton, Sarah C.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Teotihuacan: An Early
Urban Center in its Regional Context. In Early Cities in Comparative
Perspective, 4000 BCE - 1200 CE, edited by Norman Yoffee, pp. 279-299. The
Cambridge World History, volume 3. Cambridge University Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cowgill, George L., Jeffrey H. Altschul, and Rebecca S. Sload<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1984<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Spatial Analysis of
Teotihuacan, a Mesoamerican Metropolis. In Intrasite Spatial Analysis in
Archaeology, edited by Harold J. Hietala, pp. 154-195. Cambridge University
Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Evans, Susan T.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Location and Orientation
of Teotihuacan, Mexico: Water Worshsip and Processional Space. In Processions
in the Ancient Americas, edited by Susan T. Evans, pp. 52-121. Occasional Papers
in Anthropology, vol. 33. Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania State
University, State College, PA.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Fash, William L, Jr., Alexandre Tokovinine, and Barbara W. Fash<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2009<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The House of New Fire at
Teotihuacan and its Legacy in Mesoamerica. In The Art of Urbanism: How
Mesoamerican Kingdoms Represented Themselves in Architecture and Imagery,
edited by William L Fash, Jr. and Leonardo López Luján, pp. 201-229. </span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Gazzola, Julie<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2009<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Características arquitectónicas en algunas
construcciones de fases tempranas en Teotihuacan. </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Arqueología 42: 216-233.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gómez Chávez, Sergio<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2013<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Exploraiton of the
Tunnel under the Feathered Serpent Temple at Teotihuacan: First Results. In
Constructing, Deconstructing, and Reconstructing Social Identity: 2,000 Years
of Monumentality in Teotihuacan and Cholula, Mexico, edited by Saburo Sugiyama,
Shigeru Kabata, Tomoko Taniguchi, and Etsuko Niwa, pp. 11-18. </span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Aichi Prefectural University, Cultural Symbiosis Research Institute,
Aichi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Gómez Chávez, Sergio
and Julie Gazzola<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Un posible cancha de juego de pelota en el área
de la Ciudadela, Teotihuacan. </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Anales de Antropología 49 (1): 113-133.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Helmke, Christophe and Jesper Nielsen<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2013<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Writing on the Wall:
A Paleographic Analysis of the Maya Texts of Tetitla, Teotihuacan. In The Maya
in a Mesoamerican Context: Comparative Approaches to Maya Studies, edited by
Jesper Nielsen and Christophe Helmke, pp. 123-166. </span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Acta
Mesoamericana, vol. 26. Verlag Anton Saurwein, Markt Schwaben.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">López Luján, Leonardo<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2017<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Life after Death in
Teotihuacan: The Moon Plaza's Monolilthis in Colonial and Modern Mexico. In
Visual Culture of the Ancient Americas: Contemporary Perspectives, edited by
Andrew Finegold and Ellen Hoobler, pp. 59-90. University of Oklahoma Press,
Norman.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Manzanilla, Linda R.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1996<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Corporate Groups and
Domestic Activities at Teotihuacan. Latin American Antiquity 7: 228-246.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2004<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Social Identity and
Daily Life at Classic Teotihuacan. In Mesoamerican Archaeology: Theory and
Practice, edited by Julia A. Hendon and Rosemary Joyce, pp. 124-147. Blackwell,
Oxford.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhwm8gvYHmjfNhn3Hba0w3zFxwog4W1F4ePci6aeZXXBQEtji1WrqwUJ2vfS2I8SnRmqwjmwrIOWsw3NfBENUKImfDKlLI_ALsm-S9mQ0LVzSULYNSPaqP_67lsqDHLTuBMsoFZK5IujlU/s1600/StuccoPaint-Seler-M-447-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="497" data-original-width="948" height="167" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhwm8gvYHmjfNhn3Hba0w3zFxwog4W1F4ePci6aeZXXBQEtji1WrqwUJ2vfS2I8SnRmqwjmwrIOWsw3NfBENUKImfDKlLI_ALsm-S9mQ0LVzSULYNSPaqP_67lsqDHLTuBMsoFZK5IujlU/s320/StuccoPaint-Seler-M-447-LR.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<br />
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2009<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Corporate Life in
Apartment and Barrio Compounds at Teotihuacan, Central Mexico: Craft
Specialization, Hierarchy, and Ethnicity. In Domestic Life in Prehispanic
Capitals: A Study of Specialization, Hierarchy, and Ethnicity, edited by Linda
R. Manzanilla and Claude Chapdelaine, pp. 21-42. Memoirs, vol. 46. University
of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology, Ann Arbor.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Manzanilla, Linda R.
and Leonardo López Luján<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2001<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Exploraciones en un posible palacio de
Teotihuacan: El Proyecto Xalla (2000-2001). </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mexicon 23: 58-61.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">McClung de Tapia, Emily<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2012<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Silent Hazards,
Invisible Risks: Prehispanic Erosion in the Teotihuacan Valley, Central Mexico.
In Surviving Sudden Environmental Change, edited by Jago Cooper and Payson
Sheets, pp. 143-166. University Press of Colorado, Boulder.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">McClung de Tapia, Emily, Elizabeth Solleiro-Rebolledo, Jorge
Gama-Castro, José Luis Villalpando, and Sergey Sedov<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2003<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Paleosols in the
Teotihuacan Valley, México: Evidence for Paleoenvironment and Human Impact.
Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Geológicas 20: 270-282.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Murakami, Tatsuya<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Replicative construction
experiments at Teotihuacan, Mexico: Assessing the duration and timing of
monumental construction. Journal of Field Archaeology: published online first.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nielsen, Jesper<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Where Kings Once Ruled?
Consideration on Palaces and Rulership at Teotihuacan. In Palaces and Courtly
Culture in Ancient Mesoamerica, edited by Julie Nehammer Knub, Christophe
Helmke, and Jesper Nielsen, pp. 7-22. </span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Archaeopress, Oxford.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Nielsen, Jesper and
Christophe Helmke<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2011<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Reinterpreting the Plaza de los Glifos, La
Ventilla, Teotihuacan. Ancient Mesoamerica 22 (2): 345-370.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Ortega Cabrera,
Verónica<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2013<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Los conjuntos habitacionales: Ejemplos de
arquitectura urbana. In Teotihuacán. Nueva mirada al pasado: Arqueología de
Salvamento, edited by Verónica Ortega Cabrera and Aldo Díaz Avelar, pp. 38-55. </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Editorial Académica
Española, Madrid.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Robertson, Ian G.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Investigating
Teotihuacan through TMP Surface Collections and Observations. Ancient
Mesoamerica 26 (1): 163-181.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Robertson, Ian G. and M. Oralia Cabrera Cortés<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Teotihuacan pottery as
evidence for subsistence practices involving maguey sap. Archaeological and
Anthropological Sciences 9 (1): 11-27.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2017 </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/opar.2017.3.issue-1/opar-2017-0010/opar-2017-0010.xml" target="_blank">TheTeotihuacan Anomaly: The Historical Trajectory of Urban Planning inCentral Mexico. OpenArchaeology 3(1): 175-193.</a></span></span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Smith, Michael E. and
Clara Paz Bautista<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Las almenas en la ciudad antigua de
Teotihuacan. </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mexicon
37 (5): 118-125.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Somerville, Andrew D., Nawa Sugiyama, Linda R. Manzanilla, and
Margaret J. Schoeninger<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Animal Management at the
Ancient Metropolis of Teotihuacan, Mexico: Stable Isotopoe Analysis of Leporid
(Cottontail and Jackrabbit) Bone Mineral. PLOS-One 11 (8): e0159982.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Spence, Michael W.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Personal Art in
Teotihuacan: The Thin Orange Graffiti. Ancient Mesoamerica 26 (2): 295-312.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Storey, Rebecca<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2006<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Mortality Through Time
in an Impoverished Residence of the Precolumbian City of Teotihuacan: A
Paleodemographic View. In Urbanism in the Preindustrial World: Cross-Cultural
Approaches, edited by Glenn R. Storey, pp. 277-294. University of Alabama
Press, Tuscaloosa.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Sugiyama, Nawa and Andrew D. Somerville<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2017<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Feeding Teotihuacan:
Integrating Approaches to Studying Food and Foodways of the Ancient Metropolis.
Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 9 (1): 1-10.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Sugiyama, Saburo<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2010<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Teotihuacan City Layout
as a Cosmogram: Preliminary Results of the 2007 Measurement Unit Study. In The
Archaeology of Measurement: Comprehending Heaven, Earth and Time in Ancient
Societies, edited by Iain Morley and Colin Renfrew, pp. 130-149. </span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Cambridge University Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Sugiyama, Saguro,
Nawa Sugiyama, and Alejandro Sarabia G.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2014<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>En interior de la Priámide del Sol en
Teotihuacan. Arqueología Mexicana 125: 24-29.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Taube, Karl A.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2011<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Teotihuacan and the
Development of Writing in Early Classic Central Mexico. In Their Way of
Writing: Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies in Pre-Columbian America edited by
Elizabeth H. Boone and Gary Urton, pp. 77-109. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">White, Christine D., Michael W. Spence, and Frederick J.
Longstaffe<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2010<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Teotihuacan Dream:
An isotopic study of economic organization and immigration. In In "The “Compleat
Archaeologist”: Papers in Honour of Michael Spence, edited by Christopher J.
Ellis, Neal Ferris, Peter Timmins, and Christine C. White, pp. 279-297. Ontario
Archaeological Society, London, ON.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Some Books on Teotihuacan (a small sample...)</span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Headrick, Annabeth<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2007<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i>The Teotihuacan
Trinity: The Sociopolitical Structure of an Ancient Mesoamerican City</i>. </span><span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">University of Texas Press, Austin.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Manzanilla, Linda R.
(editor)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2012 <i>Estudios
arqueométricos del centro de barrio de Teopancazco en Teotihuacan</i>.
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">Matos, Eduardo<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2009 <i>Teotihuacan.</i> Fondo
de Cultura Económica, Mexico City.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Pasztory, Esther<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1997<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i>Teotihuacan: An
Experiment in Living</i>. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Robb, Matthew H. (editor)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2017<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i>Teotihuacan: City of
Water, City of Fire</i>. Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, De Young, and
University of California Press, San Francisco.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Scott, Sue<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2001<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Terracotta Figurines
from Sigvald Linné's Excavations at Teotihuacan, Mexico. Monograph Series, vol.
18. The National Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1975<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i>Temples, Residences,
and Artifacts at Classic Teotihuacan</i>. Senior Honors Thesis, Department of
Anthropology, Brandeis University. *** HA HA HA, HOW DID THIS OLD THING GET INTO THE LIST ???<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Staines Cicero, Leticia and Christophe Helmke (editors)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-MX" style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">2017 <i>Las Pinturas
Realistas de Tetitla, Teotihuacan: Estudios a través de la obra de Agustín
Villagra Caleti.</i> Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México and Intituto
Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2005 <i>Human Sacrifice, Militarism, and Rulership: The Symbolism
of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid at Teotihuacan, Mexico</i>. Cambridge
University Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p>AND: Coming October 6 to the Phoenix Art Museum: <a href="http://www.phxart.org/exhibition/teotihuacan" target="_blank">A fantastic exhibit of art and artifacts from Teotihuacan</a>:</o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p>ADDED October 7, 2018: If you visit the exhibit, you may find <a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2018/10/thinking-about-art-of-teotihuacan.html" target="_blank">my post about the art of Teotihuacan</a> useful.</o:p></span></div>
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Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-62107450988471755772018-07-29T19:59:00.000-07:002018-07-29T19:59:35.216-07:00Defining Cities and Urbanism (2018 version)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I go back and forth about the importance of defining cities and urbanism. Sometimes I think it is crucial to have a valid and useful definition, and I spend time talking or writing about definitions; other times, I get sick of it and try to avoid definitions—I just want to get on with the research. Of course, when I am in the latter mold, reviewers are sure to complain that I don’t define urbanism. So, I drag out some boilerplate text to insert into a manuscript and hope it doesn’t push the paper too far over the journal’s word limit. I can pull handy text and ideas from a bunch of my prior works, including these: </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">(Smith 1989; Smith 2001; Smith 2002; Smith 2007; Smith 2008; Smith 2016)</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Wow, my reaction in looking at that list of citations is, “Can’t Smith make up his mind?” I guess not. My 2011 post,<a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2011/02/what-is-city-definitions-of-urban.html" target="_blank"> “What is a city? Definitions of the Urban,”</a> </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">is still the most widely read post on this blog (probably from students writing papers for archaeology classes). I also discuss issues of definition in a number of other posts as well:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2011/11/defining-cities-and-urbanism-again.html" target="_blank">Defining Cities and Urbanism (Again)</a>. 2011.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbgEBcEPLbpTUS2IJTbDBekYzhKZ__6zT0f-cNtYIrz5HOBmDonbBpFlEQx5Dpug80mFvJLUwxiygqqhPUDzbcHgeOdJRwsbxQOhE9z1QPU0RFCbCRqeYR70iT-8tvoRJ-YoMZPIoFBd0/s1600/DisasterHousing-Haiti-2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="325" data-original-width="325" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbgEBcEPLbpTUS2IJTbDBekYzhKZ__6zT0f-cNtYIrz5HOBmDonbBpFlEQx5Dpug80mFvJLUwxiygqqhPUDzbcHgeOdJRwsbxQOhE9z1QPU0RFCbCRqeYR70iT-8tvoRJ-YoMZPIoFBd0/s200/DisasterHousing-Haiti-2.jpg" width="200" /></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2012/11/cities-semi-urban-places-and-definitions.html" target="_blank">Cities, Semi-Urban Places, and Definitions</a>. 2012</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">My views on this topic have changed considerably in the past few years, and it just occurred to me that I had not put them down in writing for a while. I started writing a new book this summer at <a href="http://urbnet.au.dk/" target="_blank">UrbNet in Aarhus</a>, <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Urban Life in the Distant Past: Archaeology and Comparative Urbanism</i></b>, and the process of giving lectures and organizing the book outline required rethinking my approach to urbanism. I started writing with chapter 3, leaving the conceptual and definitional material to write later!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">So, here are some of my current ideas about definitions of city and urban. I will organize my thought around four statements or propositions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> 1. There are three primary dimensions of premodern settlements (urban and non-urban); institutions and activities in these dimensions are the main drivers of change in settlements. These primary dimensions are:<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Social life and society</span></u></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. This is a complex dimension that includes institutions, activities, and processes concerning life and social patterns within settlements. It includes things like social heterogeneity (wealth inequality, ethnicity, division of labor), households and neighborhoods, markets and workshops, and urban services. Here are two interesting things about this domain. First, none of these things are exclusively “urban” traits that occur only in cities and not in villages or rural areas (see more below). Second, the variation among settlements is so great that I can point to only a very small number of urban universals, or features found in all cities, ancient and modern. I’ve talked about these universals on and off in this blog; one of them is neighborhood organization.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">City size and population.</span></u></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> This domain includes the areal extent of settlements, their population, and density. Large, and/or dense, populations in settlements, have profound social impacts, as analyzed by Roland Fletcher <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(1995)</span>, me <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Smith 2018)</span>, and others <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(e.g., Bettencourt 2013)</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">c.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Urban functions</span></u></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. Urban functions are activities and institutions based in a settlement that affect life and society beyond the boundaries of that settlement <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Fox 1977; Trigger 1972)</span>. Urban functions address the regional or macro-regional context of settlements (as opposed to the first 2 dimensions, which describe the nature of settlements themselves).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> 2. Other dimensions of settlements cut across these three. They play important roles, but they have less causal impact than the three primary dimensions:<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The built environment<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Urban meanings<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">c.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Urban growth<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjm5xioapxg-MD_dOSstYUhKZXYJ7fFyjYr7NEJBVCI1vQ12S-HsJe17q6YSupRI287wB_My6N2QMV0O7s0eLg1_R3H2HfMFZKHFOT8-lW2-SRf3VlC8Ri59VgvjK3CEok2fnaqzHSM0n0/s1600/Nepal-Urbanization.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="638" data-original-width="1309" height="155" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjm5xioapxg-MD_dOSstYUhKZXYJ7fFyjYr7NEJBVCI1vQ12S-HsJe17q6YSupRI287wB_My6N2QMV0O7s0eLg1_R3H2HfMFZKHFOT8-lW2-SRf3VlC8Ri59VgvjK3CEok2fnaqzHSM0n0/s320/Nepal-Urbanization.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> 3. Definitions are tools; their usefulness depends on one’s questions, goals, and interests.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is no single, “best” definition of city, urbanism, or any social phenomenon. Definitions are tools that allow scholars to accomplish intellectual goals; they are not meant to capture the “essence” or most important features of a phenomenon. (The use of definitions in everyday discourse, or in writing for the public, is somewhat different, a topic I will leave for later).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Standard definitions for premodern cities differ in their emphasis on the primary urban dimensions. As I cover in my <a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2011/02/what-is-city-definitions-of-urban.html" target="_blank">2011 blog post (and will not repeat here</a>), two definitions are most common and most useful in discussions of premodern cities:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span>i.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Louis Wirth’s sociological definition. “For sociological purposes a city may be defined as a relatively large, dense, and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individuals.” <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Wirth 1938:8)</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span>ii.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Functional definition. A city is a central place; that is, it is a settlement that provides goods and services for a hinterland that extends beyond the city itself. <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;">(Fox 1977; Trigger 1972)</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> ** </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Although I have argued in various publications that one or the other of these provides the best definition for archaeology, I now realize I was epistemologically mistaken. <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Read my lips:</i></b> There is no “best” definition. (A challenge: can you find the publication where I argue for Wirth’s definition and disparage the functional definition? Ah, the follies of youth!)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">c.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If you really need a single definition of city/urban, how about this underwhelming concept: An urban settlement is one that has reached a high level on one or more of the three major dimensions of urbanism. Is that vague enough? Do you sense my ambivalence about definitions? Read on.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> 4. Don’t reify “city” and “urban.”<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTAb7O1fbr3Z9YYRdOF2hfQ2xe_wiu5fd7zB8DesfPIdrkgBdWujznKwlTw__M7h09AuQaNU3l27-B9zm0jy_7NO-QN4qAr7v5Bfej0M4tvYAqZVTPJ7v-SS23x7v2YNofSichBO9OmEg/s1600/RuralVsUrban.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="200" data-original-width="230" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTAb7O1fbr3Z9YYRdOF2hfQ2xe_wiu5fd7zB8DesfPIdrkgBdWujznKwlTw__M7h09AuQaNU3l27-B9zm0jy_7NO-QN4qAr7v5Bfej0M4tvYAqZVTPJ7v-SS23x7v2YNofSichBO9OmEg/s1600/RuralVsUrban.jpg" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">a.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>Settlements</i>—places where people live—are empirical phenomena that exist in the world. They have measurable attributes that we can study. In contrast, “city” and “urban” are concepts or categories that depend on one’s goals and definitions. Our understanding will be greatly improved if we focus on settlements, not on cities or urbanism.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">b.<span style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When one analyzes settlements using the primary dimensions, definitions of city and urban just get in the way. This is because many “urban” phenomena (e.g., high density, a division of labor, or place-based social complexity) can also be important in small and non-urban settlements. One of the profound and exciting results of the settlement scaling research of the Social Reactors Project (<a href="https://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/" target="_blank">see our website for citations and papers</a>) is that we have shown—quantitatively and with rigor—that this assertion is correct. The same, or very similar, socially transformative attributes of settlement size are fond in contemporary urban systems, ancient urban systems, and village (non-state) settlement systems. These findings do not rely in any way upon defining city or urban; they are empirical results of quantitative analyses of <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">settlements</i></b>.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhDCrwVFIQZEDCYofle75_P5aPWz8TJc0IN4keH46rEHwK6SrygYYdGWQlqgcfb10U2F-DPLln3kAzXQJ5hCrlioh9AaSn_08nNDpqYrepGmS6D3E91lSDE5uOBc3b06dlyoKmnOaXGOGk/s1600/ScalingAncitModern-TrialLR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="854" data-original-width="599" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhDCrwVFIQZEDCYofle75_P5aPWz8TJc0IN4keH46rEHwK6SrygYYdGWQlqgcfb10U2F-DPLln3kAzXQJ5hCrlioh9AaSn_08nNDpqYrepGmS6D3E91lSDE5uOBc3b06dlyoKmnOaXGOGk/s320/ScalingAncitModern-TrialLR.jpg" width="224" /></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I should probably publish an expanded version of this as a journal article.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><b>References</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Bettencourt, Luís M. A.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2013)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Origins of Scaling in Cities. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Science</i> 340:1438-1441.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Fletcher, Roland<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(1995)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Limits of Settlement Growth: A Theoretical Outline</i>. Cambridge University Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Fox, Richard G.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(1977)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Urban Anthropology: Cities in their Cultural Settings</i>. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(1989)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Cities, Towns, and Urbanism: Comment on Sanders and Webster. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">American Anthropologist</i> 91:454-461.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2001)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Urbanization<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i> In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Oxford Encyclopedia of Mesoamerican Cultures: The Civilizations of Mexico and Central America</i>, edited by Davíd Carrasco, pp. 290-294. vol. 3. Oxford University Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2002)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Earliest Cities<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i> In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology of the City</i>, edited by George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, pp. 3-19. 4th ed. Waveland Press, Prospect Heights, IL.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2007)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Form and Meaning in the Earliest Cities: A New Approach to Ancient Urban Planning. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Journal of Planning History</i> 6(1):3-47.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2008)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Aztec City-State Capitals</i>. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2016)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>How Can Archaeologists Identify Early Cities: Definitions, Types, and Attributes<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i> In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Eurasia at the Dawn of History: Urbanization and Social Change</i>, edited by Manuel Fernández-Götz and Dirk Krausse, pp. 153-168. Cambridge University Press, New York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2018)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Generative Role of Settlement Aggregation and Urbanization<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i> In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Coming Together: Comparative Approaches to Population Aggregation and Early Urbanization</i>, edited by Attila Gyucha. State University of New York Press, Albany. In press.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Trigger, Bruce G.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(1972)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Determinants of Urban Growth in Pre-Industrial Societies<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.</i> In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Man, Settlement, and Urbanism</i>, edited by Peter J. Ucko, Ruth Tringham and G. W. Dimbleby, pp. 575-599. Schenkman, Cambridge.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Wirth, Louis<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(1938)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Urbanism as a Way of Life. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">American Journal of Sociology</i> 44:1-24.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><i>EXTRA CREDIT, #1: Name the artist of the city on a hill image.</i></b></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><i>EXTRA CREDIT, #2: Name the city of the shantytown image.</i></b></span></div>
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Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-36525086649487891922018-06-11T11:23:00.001-07:002018-07-31T13:44:43.833-07:00Teotihuacan Resources (BAD VERSION-Please see the updated post)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">GO TO: <a href="https://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2018/07/teotihuacan-was-one-of-major-cities-of.html" target="_blank">My revised post with resources on Teotihuacan</a></span><br />
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Blogger has managed to completely destroy the formatting on this post not just once, but twice!</div>
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Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-91420517970420348392017-11-06T20:47:00.001-07:002017-11-06T20:47:49.712-07:00Houses, housing, and inquality in the distant past<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTyItHyKGdo21Z9Y10_7eoLU36dF91vqLjGm6pC14g01gYGzHCZAtA1X9aWzZJawggwhgeOpBnbX1lJdoj8Ud03JYPQrrLa8LXJKp3qweNixGXd5vnI7V-MiCo6mu6j_3p5QbQd4LSV0k/s1600/BookCover-Evicted.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="499" data-original-width="335" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTyItHyKGdo21Z9Y10_7eoLU36dF91vqLjGm6pC14g01gYGzHCZAtA1X9aWzZJawggwhgeOpBnbX1lJdoj8Ud03JYPQrrLa8LXJKp3qweNixGXd5vnI7V-MiCo6mu6j_3p5QbQd4LSV0k/s320/BookCover-Evicted.jpg" width="212" /></a>When people talk about the relationship of residences--the places where people live--to social inequality and other aspects of society today, they talk about "housing." But when archaeologists talk about residences, we usually talk about "houses," and not "housing." This distinction is on my mind because I just finished reading Mathew Desmond's outstanding book, <i style="font-weight: bold;">Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City </i>(2016). This is the best book I have read in a long time and there is much to talk about. Go read the book, it's really fantastic; I'll devote a blog post to the book before long. But first I want to use the book as a stimulus to explore the differences between they way archaeologists talk about houses in the past and the way sociologists (and others) talk about housing in the present. One of the questions on my mind is methodological: how can archaeologists get at issues of housing and inequality in our studies of ancient urban houses?<br />
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<b>Houses in the past<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPjaiXQz_dpiJFlj4SPARQqp9Vl9bzTLCluiYaVF9VxYZ32tUa32nbgO_vYwuwnO2MDspFIvuJfvHbDQEzbEjQyV8XcogjSAxbJaHz9xOW0wu8vHooOF9puawIjrlw7BjMkjDsUlS8LAI/s1600/P-Unit103.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="274" data-original-width="413" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPjaiXQz_dpiJFlj4SPARQqp9Vl9bzTLCluiYaVF9VxYZ32tUa32nbgO_vYwuwnO2MDspFIvuJfvHbDQEzbEjQyV8XcogjSAxbJaHz9xOW0wu8vHooOF9puawIjrlw7BjMkjDsUlS8LAI/s320/P-Unit103.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Aztec commoner house</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</b><br />
<br />
When archaeologists talk about residences in the past, the focus is on the house, or the physical structure in which people live. We are concerned with how these were built: what were the construction materials and where did they come from? What kind of techniques were used by the builders? How big were houses? How much effort and materials were needed to build a house? Can we estimate the number of people (or at least the number of households) who lived in a specific house? Our focus on these things is natural, given the kind of fragmentary evidence we have about houses in the past.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGrkINwJ19YZe4QCneXm52H51JVJbTd82XdBYqRZrgHiNy9srXexpaJgrWyY7EaGrAu3iDA5QMw2Xqqwb3x6-utdeXvWp5ble-f26fjMPojUCsNpEdF-yuEc9_BBduyzXSuuBTYbk0biI/s1600/PMAP-WealthHistogram.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="546" data-original-width="980" height="178" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGrkINwJ19YZe4QCneXm52H51JVJbTd82XdBYqRZrgHiNy9srXexpaJgrWyY7EaGrAu3iDA5QMw2Xqqwb3x6-utdeXvWp5ble-f26fjMPojUCsNpEdF-yuEc9_BBduyzXSuuBTYbk0biI/s320/PMAP-WealthHistogram.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Size variation in Aztec houses at 2 settlements</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Archaeologists have found that the size of houses can be a good measure of inequality in the past. This information can be used for social class analysis (Olson and Smith 2016), or for the study of continuous wealth inequality using measures like the Gini index, based on the assumption that house size was an index of household wealth ( Smith et al. 2014). For the first, time, archaeologists are beginning to accumulate enough cases of inequality in house size, measured with the Gini index, to draw some conclusions about past inequality (Kohler et al. 2017; Kohler and Smith 2018). As more archaeologists quantify their data on houses and settlements, our understanding of levels of past inequality will continue to improve.<br />
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While this is a productive development in the archaeology of social inequality, reading Matthew Desmond's book <i>Evicted</i> makes me wonder if we can do better by using the concept of housing.<br />
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<b>Housing today</b><br />
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The study of how housing relates to social inequality today goes far beyond the topics of architecture and house size. Major questions include: Who builds housing units? Who owns them? How do residents get access to housing? And can residents who rent create a stable pattern that avoids frequent moves? These are the issues explored in <i>Evicted</i> through detailed case-study ethnography, coupled with scholarly documentation of patterns in the endnotes. Can archaeologists get at any of this?<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh394POWG7oql4OCtWRVsUfh6n8XsMPqrqU5h0N0j-dPwPVgfx0fTNicj4hSoYrRYufzXZFjgyLRwED8qH2A5K6YJInHPTQWunPKXJGWbpf2krspNG8QGu91mIx9xZyw2SFuU5Lfv9ZwcU/s1600/HousingTypologyWexamples.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1200" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh394POWG7oql4OCtWRVsUfh6n8XsMPqrqU5h0N0j-dPwPVgfx0fTNicj4hSoYrRYufzXZFjgyLRwED8qH2A5K6YJInHPTQWunPKXJGWbpf2krspNG8QGu91mIx9xZyw2SFuU5Lfv9ZwcU/s320/HousingTypologyWexamples.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">My typology of premodern urban house types</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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When archaeologists use the term "housing," the word is usually used informally and not analytically. That is, we may use the word, but just to talk about the standard issues of ancient house form and size outlined above. I was rooting around for a relevant scholarly definition of "housing," getting frustrated that writers on housing today don't see the need to define the term. Maybe "everybody knows" what it means, but still, it is sloppy practice to not define one's terms. Then I checked my own paper on the topic (Smith 2014a) to see how I defined the term. Oops! No definition! I am guilty here too. In that paper I talk about types of urban house units in the premodern world, but "housing" is not used as a formal concept.<br />
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<b>Housing in the past?</b><br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhf2GuGnDObR7-7lSWkQLLSbchQnZsYrw7WngGkwl0YN5ddiBwjvJm1jfv2Zlu4oO-l1E76VtVxdSWT79JnRW1XpWRfbr6Ii-RkRDOxprHkfflv-0hpzO_S1zfYiomcxyHMVG6gh8bc2GM/s1600/Housing-Public-Ixtapaluca.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="338" data-original-width="450" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhf2GuGnDObR7-7lSWkQLLSbchQnZsYrw7WngGkwl0YN5ddiBwjvJm1jfv2Zlu4oO-l1E76VtVxdSWT79JnRW1XpWRfbr6Ii-RkRDOxprHkfflv-0hpzO_S1zfYiomcxyHMVG6gh8bc2GM/s320/Housing-Public-Ixtapaluca.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Standardized housing in Mexico today</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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Can archaeologists approach the question of who built housing in cases where we lack written documents? I think that the analysis of <b><i>standardization in housing</i></b> can allow us to make reasonable inferences on whether housing was built by the state or another formal institution (e.g., a temple community), or by residents themselves. But standardization of architectural forms is a tricky question. Today, some housing is obviously standardized--such as contemporary Mexican ex-urban developments or mid-twentieth century socialist housing in Europe--and other housing is clearly informal, which usually means non-standardized.<br />
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First, precisely what is or is not standardized? It can be the size of a dwelling, principles of layout, materials used, construction methods. Second, who is doing the standardizing? Individual self-builders? While this often leads to variability in house form, when builders deliberately stick to a cultural norm, as in much vernacular architecture, the result can be standardized forms. Or is standardization created by professional builders and architects? By the state? Or by the capitalist market and zoning regulations (as in urban and suburban developments today)?<br />
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It turns out that standardized housing is a complex topic, one that is not very well researched in the fields of housing and architecture (and almost never by archaeologists). Drawing on my model of premodern urban planning (Smith 2007), an archaeologist might associate standardization of housing over an entire city, or city sector, with the actions of the state (e.g., Olynthus or Teotihuacan). Standardized housing on the scale of a neighborhood might be created by the state or by professional builders working for clients. And nonstandardized housing suggests auto-construction by house owners (Turner 1991; Ward 1973).<br />
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Another domain where archaeologists can begin to approach issues of housing and inequality, parallel to scholars of the modern world, is <b><i>residential stability.</i></b> In another paper (Smith 2014b), I cited contemporary social-science research showing that urban residential stability is associated with higher standards of living, lower levels of crime, and other measures of community well-being (one thread of this research is referred to as social disorganization theory). I drew on sociologists such as Robert Sampson (2012). I argued that similar dynamics (linking residential stability to positive community outcomes) probably characterized premodern cities as well. I presented some evidence from my studies of Aztec communities showing that the houses I excavated in wealthier communities tended to be occupied continuously over long periods, whereas the houses in less well-off communities showed more discontinuity in occupation. I develop this argument in my (award-winning!) popular book,<i> <a href="http://smithaztecbook.wikispaces.asu.edu/" target="_blank">At Home with the Aztecs</a></i> (Smith 2016). I wish I had been able to read Desmond's <i>Evicted</i> before writing my book. It is the most eloquent (and empirically compelling) discussion of the negative effects of the lack of residential stability, caused by evictions.<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjxGDbro9iwrHhVtB6lOSsd7NNHSUR5-bu8PzPpvy1OJT5OlMK0SjX8vyGww2OUyLKkDocJ0G-AkiEo8Dpq-JZsR6NsI970mn3oKZgBxNC_HVUcNncG3NgnW2-DTSE7hLtkQC8oMMomck/s1600/ContinuityGraphs.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="570" data-original-width="1470" height="155" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjxGDbro9iwrHhVtB6lOSsd7NNHSUR5-bu8PzPpvy1OJT5OlMK0SjX8vyGww2OUyLKkDocJ0G-AkiEo8Dpq-JZsR6NsI970mn3oKZgBxNC_HVUcNncG3NgnW2-DTSE7hLtkQC8oMMomck/s400/ContinuityGraphs.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Each bar is a house. Yautepec houses had more stability than at Calxitlahuaca</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
But these efforts are just a beginning. Archaeologists need to take a closer look at research on contemporary cities and housing, and devise creative ways to put that knowledge to work in explaining the past. And scholars of contemporary housing might pay attention to some of the better archaeological research to get an idea of the longevity of patterns and the historical depth of systems of social inequality. But a point I make in Smith (2010) is that unless archaeologists analyze our data in ways that foster comparison and conceptual advance, it won't be comparable at all to the modern world, and any such comparisons will be facile and superficial.<br />
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<b>References</b><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZUCMSWrzGXqlPbvRNxzVpEWe8HOKkAVytFi_X5PsFRFVKtsCybNfwVImUDMkKfk5sGsgrpepEZNhUBRD1dbjNQPbDPoqhB6XX0vW6A64bGgzuqGPBeAQu2vAiDc2PnQIsjA6EmmNmYjA/s1600/AHA-CoverModel-300.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="1068" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZUCMSWrzGXqlPbvRNxzVpEWe8HOKkAVytFi_X5PsFRFVKtsCybNfwVImUDMkKfk5sGsgrpepEZNhUBRD1dbjNQPbDPoqhB6XX0vW6A64bGgzuqGPBeAQu2vAiDc2PnQIsjA6EmmNmYjA/s320/AHA-CoverModel-300.jpg" width="213" /></a>Desmond, Matthew (2016) <b><i>Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City</i></b>. Broadway Books, New York.<br />
<br />
Kohler, Timothy and Michael E. Smith (editors) (2018) <b><i>Ten Thousand Years of Inequality: The Archaeology of Wealth Differences.</i></b> University of Arizona Press (in press), Tucson.<br />
<br />
Kohler, Timothy A., Michael E. Smith, Amy Bogaard, Gary M. Feinman, Christina E. Peterson, Aleen Betzenhauser, Matthew C. Pailes, Elizabeth C. Stone, Anna Marie Prentiss, Timothy Dennehy, Laura Ellyson, Linda M. Nicholas, Ronald K. Faulseit, Amy Styring, Jade Whitlam, Mattia Fochesato, Thomas A. Foor and Samuel Bowles (2017) Greater Post-Neolithic Wealth Disparities in Eurasia than in North and Mesoamerica. <b><i>Nature</i></b> (in press).<br />
<br />
Olson, Jan Marie and Michael E. Smith (2016) Material Expressions of Wealth and Social Class at Aztec-Period Sites in Morelos, Mexico. <b><i>Ancient Mesoamerica</i></b> 27(1):133-147.<br />
<br />
Sampson, Robert J. (2012) <b><i>Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect.</i></b> University of Chicago Press, Chicago.<br />
<br />
Smith, Michael E. (2007) Form and Meaning in the Earliest Cities: A New Approach to Ancient Urban Planning. <b><i>Journal of Planning History</i></b> 6(1):3-47.<br />
<br />
Smith, Michael E. (2010) Sprawl, Squatters, and Sustainable Cities: Can Archaeological Data Shed Light on Modern Urban Issues? <b><i>Cambridge Archaeological Journal</i></b> 20:229-253.<br />
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Smith, Michael E. (2014a) Housing in Premodern Cities: Patterns of Social and Spatial Variation. <b><i>International Journal of Architectural Research </i></b>8(3):207-222.<br />
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Smith, Michael E. (2014b) Peasant Mobility, Local Migration, and Premodern Urbanization. <b><i>World Archaeology </i></b>46(4):516-533.<br />
<br />
Smith, Michael E. (2016) <a href="http://smithaztecbook.wikispaces.asu.edu/" target="_blank"><b><i>At Home with the Aztecs: An Archaeologist Uncovers their Domestic Life.</i></b> Routledge, New York.</a><br />
<br />
Smith, Michael E., Timothy Dennehy, April Kamp-Whittaker, Emily Colon and Rebecca Harkness (2014) Quantitative Measures of Wealth Inequality in Ancient Central Mexican Communities. <b><i>Advances in Archaeological Practice</i></b> 2(4):311-323.<br />
<br />
Turner, John F. C. (1991) <b><i>Housing by People: Towards Autonomy in Building Environments.</i></b> Marion Boyars, London.<br />
<br />
Ward, Colin (1973) We House, You are Housed, They are Homeless (chapter 6). In <b><i>Anarchy in Action,</i></b> pp. 67-73. George Allen and Unwin, London.</div>
Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-36066698250863046162017-10-10T13:00:00.000-07:002017-10-10T13:00:21.360-07:00Burial goods and wealth in urban, state societies<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjH9qNmpZ9WsFFC4GzjlWSQ8s9DPmm8ocUMNL2qHsN_tImHPqO6hwAt8ud9rTYrMtcX01KtN8E0tUiIblhATC2ZdsOHfK2S2PqAneTz_fJMqUkFl6XTWqyxLy8u2v96BhXYpvNJnDCwgQo/s1600/MedievalTomb-Rich.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="427" data-original-width="600" height="227" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjH9qNmpZ9WsFFC4GzjlWSQ8s9DPmm8ocUMNL2qHsN_tImHPqO6hwAt8ud9rTYrMtcX01KtN8E0tUiIblhATC2ZdsOHfK2S2PqAneTz_fJMqUkFl6XTWqyxLy8u2v96BhXYpvNJnDCwgQo/s320/MedievalTomb-Rich.jpg" width="320" /></a><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">I am looking
for comparative and conceptual works related to a project of examining burial
goods at Teotihuacan for evidence of wealth or status variation. My needs right
how are highly specific; they are set out in numbered bullets below. In brief,
I would like to find comparative or analogical cases that provide a
justification or warrant for using grave goods to monitor wealth or status in
state-level societies. I have had trouble finding anything, so perhaps this
does not exist, or perhaps I am just looking in the wrong places and readers
can point me in the correct direction.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOKlssx9A0S-4nZfGEMarnVSNrDNuAyCfC78qC7eV1KI-MtY4lwCxAblK7nlf-hUWdKejc35wwwWtqHTbOjpToJgZQMRn7cJ9dFxEDq5ZfEqtIr5HeNLJ5yIajqyFlUGg99ARX7d-yzT8/s1600/Burial-Medieval-1.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="388" data-original-width="690" height="179" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOKlssx9A0S-4nZfGEMarnVSNrDNuAyCfC78qC7eV1KI-MtY4lwCxAblK7nlf-hUWdKejc35wwwWtqHTbOjpToJgZQMRn7cJ9dFxEDq5ZfEqtIr5HeNLJ5yIajqyFlUGg99ARX7d-yzT8/s320/Burial-Medieval-1.JPG" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Let me begin
with another, parallel, case to illustrate what I am looking for: the relationship
of wealth and house size. I have been involved in using the sizes of houses to monitor
wealth for many decades, publishing both empirical studies and conceptual works
</span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE <span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE.DATA <![if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(Kohler
and Smith 2018; Olson and Smith 2016; Smith 1975, 1992, 1993, 2014, 2016; Smith
et al. 2014)<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]--></span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"> . If you ask how I justify using the size of houses as a
measure of wealth, I can provide many citations to ethnographies,
ethnoarchaeological studies, and historical and archaeological works. They show
that in many or most cases with quantitative data (and within a given society
or settlement system), wealthy households (as measured from documentary or
other independent evidence) live in bigger houses. There is strong
cross-cultural support for this claim, which justifies using house size to
measure wealth in the absence of independent wealth data. We will include a
list of such studies when our book on wealth variation in archaeology comes out
(Kohler and Smith 2018). If your reaction is, "But I can think of exceptions," then you don't get the point. This is a statistical relationship, not an invariant relationship, so of course there are exceptions. If you think that the exceptions invalidate my claim, then either you have dozens of cases I haven't seen, or else you may want to take a statistics class.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Does such
evidence exist for burial goods? I don’t want to get involved in arguments
about the Binford-Saxe model, the postprocessual critique, or particularistic
claims that this or that ethnographic case don't fit the model that burial goods reflect
wealth </span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif'><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Ucko</Author><Year>1969</Year><RecNum>3217</RecNum><DisplayText>(Ucko
1969)</DisplayText><record><rec-number>3217</rec-number><foreign-keys><key
app="EN" db-id="verddpeevwws9fewsfsxtrp40vrzsp95ee5s"
timestamp="1507661276">3217</key></foreign-keys><ref-type
name="Journal Article">17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Ucko,
Peter J.</author></authors></contributors><auth-address>arch</auth-address><titles><title>Ethnography
and Archaeological Interpretation of Funerary
Remains</title><secondary-title>World
Archaeology</secondary-title></titles><periodical><full-title>World
Archaeology</full-title></periodical><pages>262-280</pages><volume>1</volume><number>2</number><keywords><keyword>burials
wealth
mortuary</keyword></keywords><dates><year>1969</year></dates><urls></urls><custom2>not
useful - too
impressionistic</custom2></record></Cite></EndNote><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">(Ucko
1969)</span><!--[if supportFields]><span style='font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif'><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">. I want some hard comparative evidence so that I can
make an empirical judgment about the likely strength of the relationship between
burial goods and wealth in urban, state societies. Here is what I want:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
</div>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> <b>
</b></span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;"><b>Best
case: </b>Ethnographic, historical, or archaeological cases (state society, ideally
Premodern) with these characteristics:</span></li>
<ul>
<li>a.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">There is a good sample of households
of known wealth</span></li>
<li>b.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">There are burials with burial goods
that can be linked to those households. That is, either the burials are
spatially associated with individual houses, or else there is textual data
linking households to burials. The wealth measures should be independent of the burials.</span></li>
<li>c.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">It would be nice also to have independent
data about the extent of wealth and class variation in the society.</span></li>
</ul>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;"><b>Second-best
case:</b> Ethnographic, historical, or archaeological cases (state society, ideally
Premodern) with these characteristics:</span></li>
<ul>
<li>a.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">There is a good sample of burials with
burial goods</span></li>
<li>b.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">There is independent data about the
extent of wealth and class variation in the society. That is, the burials could
be from a cemetery and thus not linked to individual houses or households.</span></li>
</ul>
<li><span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> <b>
</b></span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: -0.25in;"><b>Third-best
case:</b> Archaeological studies of a sample of burials with burial goods that use quantitative
analysis to reach conclusions about the nature and extent of wealth or class
variation in the society.</span></li>
</ul>
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<o:p></o:p><br />
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">If you can
help me out with citations, please email me!
Thanks.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"><b>REFERENCES:</b></span></div>
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<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif'><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>ADDIN EN.REFLIST <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Kohler,
Timothy and Michael E. Smith (editors)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">2018 <i>Ten Thousand Years of Inequality: The
Archaeology of Wealth Differences</i>. University of Arizona Press (in press),
Tucson.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Olson, Jan Marie and Michael E. Smith<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">2016 Material
Expressions of Wealth and Social Class at Aztec-Period Sites in Morelos,
Mexico. <i>Ancient Mesoamerica</i> 27 (1):
133-147.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">1975 <i>Temples, Residences, and Artifacts at
Classic Teotihuacan.</i> Senior Honors Thesis, Department of Anthropology,
Brandeis University.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">1992 <i>Archaeological Research at Aztec-Period
Rural Sites in Morelos, Mexico. Volume 1, Excavations and Architecture /
Investigaciones arqueológicas en sitios rurales de la época Azteca en Morelos,
Tomo 1, excavaciones y arquitectura</i>. Memoirs in Latin American Archaeology,
vol. 4. University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">1993 New
World Complex Societies: Recent Economic, Social, and Political Studies. <i>Journal of Archaeological Research</i> 1:
5-41.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">2014 Housing
in Premodern Cities: Patterns of Social and Spatial Variation. <i>International Journal of Architectural
Research</i> 8 (3): 207-222.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">2016 Quality
of Life and Prosperity in Ancient Households and Communities<i>.</i> In <i>The
Oxford Handbook of Historical Ecology and Applied Archaeology (book in press)</i>,
edited by Christian Isendahl and Daryl Stump. Oxford University Press, New
York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Smith, Michael E., Timothy Dennehy,
April Kamp-Whittaker, Emily Colon, and Rebecca Harkness<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">2014 Quantitative
Measures of Wealth Inequality in Ancient Central Mexican Communities. <i>Advances in Archaeological Practice</i> 2
(4): 311-323.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Ucko, Peter J.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">1969 Ethnography
and Archaeological Interpretation of Funerary Remains. <i>World Archaeology</i> 1 (2): 262-280.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="EndNoteBibliography">
<br /></div>
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Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-67548948101347692062017-09-16T16:54:00.001-07:002017-09-16T16:54:52.907-07:00My book award<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrPJrfP4camVuYXoD3ZIGF6FTW3xMettaJesQfNl3SK4cbPRmn7J0YukyJc4vqoiGRL8m2OH4xIwOdWADjkaMgG2JgfvPToXoo_7UAmV1dEAmmPJu5J9B3iBLplSIjKteQqkPubmrA6co/s1600/AHA-BookAward-Text.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1331" data-original-width="1109" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrPJrfP4camVuYXoD3ZIGF6FTW3xMettaJesQfNl3SK4cbPRmn7J0YukyJc4vqoiGRL8m2OH4xIwOdWADjkaMgG2JgfvPToXoo_7UAmV1dEAmmPJu5J9B3iBLplSIjKteQqkPubmrA6co/s640/AHA-BookAward-Text.jpg" width="532" /></a></div>
<br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-66469736566900304362017-03-28T21:26:00.000-07:002017-03-28T21:26:07.371-07:00Cities through the ages: One thing or many?<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHhsJlBA5GXb1ZpyyR3xbhrcgnDmhurKA9nCFPj7YxX02iiNblwOdlqHIz8UpDv2MGj5w87vxolqXV0VaoVYy39HIUzaMYix1zNbsK6CxbP3sRcgTTypGgpmty1zqr0ZtrdN_GBdvg7Wo/s1600/Vancouver.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="146" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHhsJlBA5GXb1ZpyyR3xbhrcgnDmhurKA9nCFPj7YxX02iiNblwOdlqHIz8UpDv2MGj5w87vxolqXV0VaoVYy39HIUzaMYix1zNbsK6CxbP3sRcgTTypGgpmty1zqr0ZtrdN_GBdvg7Wo/s320/Vancouver.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Vancouver</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
I am in rainy Vancouver, BC. Tomorrow I will give a lecture at Green College, University of British Columbia, with this title ("Cities through the ages: One thing or many?"), and then Thursday I head downtown for the annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology. I first gave a talk with this title at the Santa Fe Institute in 2013. At that time I developed an argument that there are, and have been, only two basic types of cities. I called them economic cities and political cities. Most contemporary cities are economic cities (dominated by capitalist economic processes), and that most ancient cities were political cities (dominated by political dynamics). The implication (it seemed to me, though incorrectly) was that the models of urban scaling that had been worked out for modern cities should not apply to ancient cities.<br />
<br />
The urban scaling group (Luis Bettencourt, Jose Lobo, and Scott Ortman) had invited me to SFI to explore the possibility of applying the scaling models to ancient cities. I arrived ready to tell them to forget it. Ancient and modern cities were just too different in their economies, and I mistakenly believed that the scaling regularities of modern cities derived from capitalist agglomeration processes. But within a few hours of talking with these guys, they convinced me that the basic model that explains the modern scaling results is general enough to apply to ancient cities too. I had to scramble to modify my public lecture (the next day) to incorporate this insight (Bettencourt 2013).<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfR_RjAMDdk1ZAOTXcwIEOXGWg76YBN7-vHFYKZteg2dpizsxFHwD4gxgZSfgDStnKNWXF4dS-Yt2nf7wJXC6fm-01tWvVMoADJw-7_ZG5k6-OmmxWsrcBKNJzrUVhxq3PvW4xQi804nU/s1600/Tenoch.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="211" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfR_RjAMDdk1ZAOTXcwIEOXGWg76YBN7-vHFYKZteg2dpizsxFHwD4gxgZSfgDStnKNWXF4dS-Yt2nf7wJXC6fm-01tWvVMoADJw-7_ZG5k6-OmmxWsrcBKNJzrUVhxq3PvW4xQi804nU/s320/Tenoch.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Tenochtitlan, the Aztec capital</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
So, here I am, nearly four years later, giving a talk with the same title. But now I have TWO answers to the question, "One thing or many?" From the perspective of how cities operate and how they grow, I still see two very different types of cities: economic and political. Many of the economic models of contemporary cities simply do not apply to ancient cities. But from the perspective of how people use the built environment of settlements, and how people interact with others, and the generative implications of those interactions, there is only one type of city. In fact, I should say there is only one type of <b>settlement,</b> because the patterns apply to non-urban settlements as well.<br />
<br />
<h4>
The City as Two Things: Economic and Political Cities</h4>
<br />
Most contemporary cities, and some past cities, are "economic cities." Their growth and operations are dominated by the commercial economy. Relevant concepts are agglomeration processes and agglomeration effects. Wage labor employees are matched with jobs in cities; urban public goods are shared by individuals and firms; and an educated workforce leads to prductivity gains (Duranton and Puga 2004). Sounds pretty standard for modern urban economics, but many of these things just plain don't apply to ancient cities. Many of these lacked wage labor and formal education. Agglomeration effects were much smaller or very different.<br />
<br />
In some modern cities, politics dominates economics. These tend to be the large mega-capitals of developing nations. They are known as primate cities - not primates as in Planet of the Apes - but primate in the sense that the largest city in the system is far too large. It is too large because it is a political capital in a nation-state where politics dominates economics. See DeLong and Schleiffer (1993), or Ades and Glaeser (1995) on primate cities.<br />
<br />
But this was the standard kind of city in the ancient world. Even in a heavily (noncapitalist) commercialized economy such as Classical Rome, politics played a heavy role in urban growth and operation, and thus many of the basic urban dynamics were quite different. Much economic activity in Rome was "unproductive" in that it was oriented at luxury, not growth of productivity (Baumol 1990).<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgiU7GM-4jRjjujB7wC6UwHbnMccrjOCcaiketEiOPUOPsuDoLRS1Sz-kyZP4bGJf7wTdoC_tP1gH7xqsNJbxrKVZbGWFfPgxTIX1GK1-PfAh7t61B-IWeKhnvbJQakXLHqbsotugf_G5M/s1600/Sitting.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="239" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgiU7GM-4jRjjujB7wC6UwHbnMccrjOCcaiketEiOPUOPsuDoLRS1Sz-kyZP4bGJf7wTdoC_tP1gH7xqsNJbxrKVZbGWFfPgxTIX1GK1-PfAh7t61B-IWeKhnvbJQakXLHqbsotugf_G5M/s320/Sitting.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Energized crowding at work</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<h4>
The City as One Thing: Energized Crowding and Social Interactions</h4>
<br />
But when we look at how social interactions in the built environment lead to highly regular patterns relating settlement population to other features, there is only one basic type of settlement. This is not a claim based on theory; it is an empirical conclusion. Luis Bettencourt's (2013) model of scaling derives the quantitative relationships between population and other urban features from the basic features of social interactions within the built environment. And this model explains both the regularities of scaling in contemporary urban systems and the same regularities in ancient urban systems. See some of my prior posts on scaling for more details :<br />
<br />
<a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.ca/2016/11/energized-crowding-turns-cities-into.html" target="_blank">Energized crowding turns cities into social reactors</a> - 2016<br />
<br />
<a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.ca/2016/03/settlement-scaling-and-social-science.html" target="_blank">Settlement scaling and social science theory</a> - 2016<br />
<br />
<a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.ca/2013/09/urban-scaling-cities-as-social-reactors.html" target="_blank">Urban scaling: Cities as social reactors</a> - 2013<br />
<br />
<br />
But if you have doubts that the archaeological results are the same as the modern results, look at this table (from Smith 2017).<br />
<br />
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<br />
To me, these studies reach the most amazing results of any research I have ever been involved with. Why should there be such regularities in the sizes of settlements within settlement systems? How can the ancient systems have the same quantitative patterns as the modern systems? The cities are different. The societies and economies are different. People work and play differently. They move about differently. But somehow, the aggregate activities of people interacting in settlements produce the same kinds of quantitative patterns anyplace we look. Well, almost anyplace - it turns out that mobile hunter-gatherers have different patterns. But that is a different story..........<br />
<br />
My talk tomorrow will be in <a href="https://www.greencollege.ubc.ca/" target="_blank">Green College, UBC</a>, a residential college for graduate students, postdocs, and faculty. This is a fascinating intellectual community in a gorgeous natural and built environment. It is part of a diverse series called, "The next urban planet: Rethinking the city in tome." What a great title for a series of lectures! I am staying in the Green College Guesthouse, where I have a cozy gas fire to keep out the damp and cold. I look forward to spending time with archaeologists, urban scholars, and others at UBC tomorrow.<br />
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<b>References</b><br />
<br />
Ades, Alberto F. and Edward L. Glaeser (1995) Trade and Circuses: Explaining Urban Giants. Quarterly Journal of Economics 110:195-227.<br />
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Baumol, William J. (1990) Entrepreneurship: Productive, Unproductive, and Destructive. Journal of Political Economy 98(5):893-921.<br />
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Bettencourt, Luís M. A. (2013) The Origins of Scaling in Cities. Science 340:1438-1441.<br />
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de Long, J. Bradford and Andrei Shleifer (1993) Princes and Merchants: European City Growth Before the Industrial Revolution. Journal of Law and Economics 36:671-702.<br />
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Duranton, Gilles and Diego Puga (2004) Micro-Foundation of Urban Agglomeration Economies. In Handbook of Regional and Urban Economics, edited by J. Vernon Henderson and Jacques-François Thisse, pp. 2064-2117. vol. 4. Elsevier, Amsterdam.<br />
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Smith, Michael E. (2017) The Generative Role of Settlement Aggregation and Urbanization. In Coming Together: Comparative Approaches to Population Aggregation and Early Urbanization, edited by Attila Gyucha. State University of New York Press, Albany.Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-78119740576609234852016-12-05T21:30:00.000-07:002016-12-05T21:30:02.082-07:00Ramses II vs. Pericles, or Darth Vader vs. the Rebel Alliance<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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I still struggle to fight off the stereotypes about ancient states and empires that I learned as a student. Anthropological archaeology has long been concerned with the rise of state societies, and the nature of states in the ancient world. This is what got me interested in archaeology in the first place. I came across my decades-old graduate school application personal essay at the back of a file drawer, and found that I had written that I wanted to get a Ph.D. in archaeology to explain the origins of states in Mesoamerica. (Well, I think I probably phrased it as the "rise of THE state").<br />
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Back then, we were taught that all ancient states were despotic, ruled by ego-maniac kings who strove to control all aspects of society. Rameses II, played by Yul Brynner in the movie the Ten Commandments, is a good model for these ancient states. The Egyptian pharaohs ruled with an iron fist. Just look at his face! Any talk about democracy or council-rule prior to Classical Athens was written off as the fantasy of ancient writers. Ancient kings were autocrats who oppressed their subjects<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihFrsaclmhcDoLanYrsMQkzJwb5PhAJdzh6fR7Vghg5GV8Y_aKyeC_UCbYeGfGYwT_c0nCqg9mJ2hKArX5k2YdJrB4TSLDUmUTdINKyeMphujeMroSEKYoWe87n1Kb7E1Hwe5tuiUod0s/s1600/Democracy-1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="250" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihFrsaclmhcDoLanYrsMQkzJwb5PhAJdzh6fR7Vghg5GV8Y_aKyeC_UCbYeGfGYwT_c0nCqg9mJ2hKArX5k2YdJrB4TSLDUmUTdINKyeMphujeMroSEKYoWe87n1Kb7E1Hwe5tuiUod0s/s320/Democracy-1.jpg" width="320" /></a>Then I read Blanton and Fargher's 2008 book, <i><b>Collective Action in the Formation of Pre-Modern States,</b></i> which turned my views of ancient states and empires upside down (well, maybe I am being a bit dramatic here. Blanton et al 1996 was a first step in this direction; and other works, by Margaret Levi and Michael Mann, for example, contributed to this trend). By making a detailed and semi-quantitative analysis of thirty premodern states (from historical and ethnographic data), Blanton and Fargher identified a continuum of political regimes that runs from autocratic at one end to collective at the other. It turns out that collective states--where rulers have less power and people have more say--were not all that unusual in the past. The Greeks didn't invent democracy; similar processes and institutions were found in many ancient societies.<br />
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Blanton and Fargher identify three scales that run from low to high: Bureaucratization; Control over principals (rulers); and Public goods provision. Regimes that score high on these scales had more collective forms of rule, while those that scored lower were more autocratic. They then devise a causal model to explain variation in governmental form. It runs like this. If a regime relies on taxing its subjects for revenue, then it has to treat them well. Otherwise people will not pay taxes, and will leave or rebel. So there has to be a way to get rid of terrible rulers, and the ruler has to provide public goods (roads, canals, and other services and facilities). This produces a collective regime that is responsive to its population. On the other hand, if a regime gets its revenue from external sources (imperial tribute, conquest, taxing trade), then it does not have to be nice to its subjects. It can let them starve, not provide any public goods, and the ruler can be exploitative. These are the autocratic regimes. This scheme fits the evidence quite well.<br />
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By using a series of measures for each of the 3 scales, Blanton and Fargher come up with a summary collective measure for each society in their sample. The most autocratic regimes included 12th century England, Bali and some African kingdoms. Darth Vader and the evil empire in Star Wars would fit in here. The most collective are Athens, Venice, and Ming China; also the Rebel Alliance. In the middle are the Yoruba, Inka and Aztec polities. <br />
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There is a strong counter-intuitive element to this scheme. It turns out that the most autocratic regimes had the least concern for their subjects. These rulers didn't try to control their subjects; they left them alone to struggle to get by. This goes against the old idea that despotic rulers wanted to control the behavior of their subjects. On the contrary, autocratic rules didn't care what their subjects did. But collective regimes, on the other hand, DID need to interfere in people's lives. If they were going to tax their subjects effectively, they had to monitor them; hence Bureaucratization was a main features of more collective polities. Collective regimes had to keep their subject happy, so they provided public services. Collective regimes were far more intrusive into the lives of ordinary people than were <a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjWGaMsxpU7n7V_tLnpeflzmodJUBNTvUuc37BcOsITsrJ9sGuf-EzEb8fPRh4EkkLFxkRvPUga-zEKLJsre-Bqva8pfX7k3C5qdPE-PfEerJXk-KUsDlqHfDkP_iRVCXkxyk2_kBTTnj0/s1600/Rebel-Alliance_96d56058+-+Copy.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjWGaMsxpU7n7V_tLnpeflzmodJUBNTvUuc37BcOsITsrJ9sGuf-EzEb8fPRh4EkkLFxkRvPUga-zEKLJsre-Bqva8pfX7k3C5qdPE-PfEerJXk-KUsDlqHfDkP_iRVCXkxyk2_kBTTnj0/s320/Rebel-Alliance_96d56058+-+Copy.jpeg" width="320" /></a>autocratic regimes. This is the counter-intuitive part.<br />
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The work of Blanton and Fargher was a major breakthrough in our understanding of early states and their forms of government. Unfortunately, they did not devote enough attention to methods to measure their scales using archaeological data. They did publish a few articles with some ideas about archaeological cases. But the rest of us now have our work cut out for us. We need to devise methods to distinguish collective from autocratic regimes in the distant past, and we need to use these concepts to analyze political change and social patterns in the distant past.<br />
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Blanton, Richard E., Gary M. Feinman, Stephen A. Kowalewski and Peter N. Peregrine (1996) A Dual-Processual Theory for the Evolution of Mesoamerican Civilization. Current Anthropology 37:1-14.<br /><br />
Blanton, Richard E. and Lane F. Fargher (2008) Collective Action in the Formation of Pre-Modern States. Springer, New York.<br />
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<i><b>QUESTION: Why is Darth Vader holding my cat ???????</b></i>Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-82005483422011193712016-11-22T12:14:00.000-07:002016-11-22T12:14:18.202-07:00Teotihuacan in the news: 1966 and 2016I was looking for some biograhical material on Rene Millon, director of the Teotihuacan Mapping Project. I came across this story, from Popular Mechanics magazine in July 1966:<br />
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This was from the early days of the Teotihuacan Mapping Project, when they were in the middle of making surface artifact collections and digging test excavations. And now, 50 years later, here is another press item from Teotihuacan:<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiAv4oqrZZPmC_mXGxmQodIuwQzogZeY5ZAuUxT-h7cXqlnCrXGy2Y2KSeBHhzeiOmUq-WZyBgkuN0NOHsWkzydXAlLJ-xsOibAKj8J3hkyhvBAi4wlDuGZ_vHLu0WxQznFOzU7jhZQqbI/s1600/TeoBunniesArtice.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiAv4oqrZZPmC_mXGxmQodIuwQzogZeY5ZAuUxT-h7cXqlnCrXGy2Y2KSeBHhzeiOmUq-WZyBgkuN0NOHsWkzydXAlLJ-xsOibAKj8J3hkyhvBAi4wlDuGZ_vHLu0WxQznFOzU7jhZQqbI/s640/TeoBunniesArtice.jpg" width="369" /></a></div>
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Wow, knowledge really does advance through time. Back in 1966 no one had any idea they would find rabbit bones at Teotihuacan, and asking questions about animal keeping and diet like this were out of the question. Our analytical methods, as well as our stock of excavated archaeological contexts, are now far beyond what they were in 1966. This rabbit study, by a couple of archaeologists who started out as anthropology majors at Arizona State University, shows the kind of detailed questions we can now ask about the past (see bibliography below).<br />
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But as an archaeologist and scholar, I like to try to stand above the weeds now and then and take a broad perspective on the past. Archaeology is not just about mapping a site or figuring out what people ate for dinner. We need to take facts like these--established from rigorous fieldwork and laboratory analyses--and put together a broad view of life, society, and cities in the past. When we do this, it turns out that many things are not all that different from life, society, and cities today. This insight is the basis for the "Wide Urban World."<br />
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And when you turn to your turkey dinner for the Thanksgiving holiday this week, don't just think back to the Native Americans and Pilgrims and the first Thanksgiving meal. Think, instead, about the Mayas and Teotihuacanos of ancient Mesoamerica, the ones who first domesticated the turkey in the first place.<br />
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<b>Bibliography:</b><br />
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Somerville, Andrew D., Nawa Sugiyama, Linda R. Manzanilla, and Margaret J. Schoeninger<br />2016 Animal Management at the Ancient Metropolis of Teotihuacan, Mexico: Stable Isotopoe Analysis of Leporid (Cottontail and Jackrabbit) Bone Mineral. PLOS-One 11 (8): e0159982.<br /><br />2016 Leporid management and specialized food production at Teotihuacan: stable isotope data from cottontail and jackrabbit bone collagen. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences (online first).<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1hRWG4eVMrXgCFEIadlkP4mMAHSEKyaV0_76nMMw41Ur5p-cTFpLLe7aV1oR2VTQJxtDU8BX-uSllMPU46T6WJn94xPRQhr-oXQW6zfzq-C6O2lPfTCm1sN1cyg7cWHo1vYgyHpyDBkM/s1600/Teo-19thC-MurugiaLithog-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="243" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1hRWG4eVMrXgCFEIadlkP4mMAHSEKyaV0_76nMMw41Ur5p-cTFpLLe7aV1oR2VTQJxtDU8BX-uSllMPU46T6WJn94xPRQhr-oXQW6zfzq-C6O2lPfTCm1sN1cyg7cWHo1vYgyHpyDBkM/s400/Teo-19thC-MurugiaLithog-LR.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Pyramids of Teotihuacan in the 19th century</td></tr>
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<br /><br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-3831584495154527492016-11-15T19:20:00.000-07:002016-11-15T19:25:31.370-07:00Energized Crowding Turns Cities into Social Reactors<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDSx-skV1dNmyoeH_WHEkGuZtMXGOZa_SNXPVvHfm4anp0uBjshcyqfBXU5_bYQqaw5TCZUlhpdXp79Qp3UWjElRlWxyV2QMbSzZl1DMCaMKFru2gFUve_mnCb6D-xrLh4SsLFlq0gKi8/s1600/P6-Teo-Shutterstock_4415695-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDSx-skV1dNmyoeH_WHEkGuZtMXGOZa_SNXPVvHfm4anp0uBjshcyqfBXU5_bYQqaw5TCZUlhpdXp79Qp3UWjElRlWxyV2QMbSzZl1DMCaMKFru2gFUve_mnCb6D-xrLh4SsLFlq0gKi8/s320/P6-Teo-Shutterstock_4415695-LR.jpg" width="320" /></a>What is is about cities that makes them exciting and dynamic? Things are happening in cities and people are attracted to them. As Jane Jacobs said, “Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.” Some cities never sleep. Cities are the setting for activities that just aren't found in smaller settlements. The more people in a city, the more activity and the more excitement. This is not just a feature of contemporary cities: ancient cities like Teotihuacan were also bustling, dynamic, and attractive places. Architectural historian Spiro Kostof coined the term <i><b>"energized crowding"</b></i> to describe this aspect of urban life and society.<br />
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Energized crowding doesn't just describe the condition of life in cities - it describes the basic social forces that lead cities to grow and to transform life and society. This is the basis of the work on settlement scaling by the Social Reactors Project: me and Jose Lobo at Arizona State University, Scott Ortman at the University of Colorado, and Luis Bettencourt at the Santa Fe Institute. <a href="http://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/" target="_blank">Check out our website</a>. In our model, the process of energized crowding turns cities into social reactors.<br />
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As the number of people in a settlement increases, the number of potential social interactions grows at an exponential rate (see graph). As settlements grow larger, the effects of social interaction are amplified. These include positive, negative, and neutral effects. Let's start with the negative side of things. As we as individuals have to deal with more and more people, we get overloaded. Too many people, too much going on. This is called scalar stress. Some of the effects are highly negative--more people means more crime, more poverty, more social alienation. But scalar stress is offset by one of the big "nuetral" effects of growing settlement: the formation of neighborhoods. As cities grow, people adjust their activities so that they can live life on a smaller scale--the neighborhood. As I have said many times in this blog, neighborhoods are one of the very few universals of the urban experience. Here are a few posts on this (out of many.....):<br />
<ul>
<li><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/07/how-do-neighborhoods-form.html" target="_blank">How do neighborhoods form</a>?</li>
<li><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2015/09/why-do-all-cities-have-neighborhoods.html" target="_blank">Why do all cities have neighborhoods?</a> </li>
<li><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2012/01/archaeology-and-pink-flamingos-in.html" target="_blank">Archaeology and pink flamingos in Chicago neighborhoods</a></li>
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But there are also positive effects of energized crowding. Urban economists and economic geographers have known for a long time that when businesses and industries concentrate themselves in cities, it leads to economies of scale and thus major gains in productivity. These effects are called agglomeration effects, as in this diagram:<br />
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But it turns out that the positive effects of concentration and energized crowding are not limited to the modern industrial economy. In fact, they occur in cities before the industrial revolution, whether medieval European cities, or cities in the Roman or Inka empires. This fact alone shows that these effects are not due to factories, wage labor, advanced transportation, or other attributes of modern economies. In fact, these effects arise primarily out of the very act of social interaction within the built environment.<br />
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This realization was a real breakthrough in our understanding of the nature of city size and its role in generating the social and economic properties of cities. The key paper is Bettencourt (2013). Luis derives a quantitative model that predicts characteristics of cities based on their sizes, within a given region or urban system. The beauty of the model is that its conditions are general enough to fit cities before the modern era. In fact they also should work for non-urban settlements in agricultural village societies (and they do!).<br />
<br />
Below is my diagram of energized crowding (from Smith 2017). When population grows, leading to higher densities, energized crowding increases. This can happen from regional population growth, or it can arise from the process of people moving into cities. The three results shown here are the negative, neutral, and positive outcomes of energized crowding.<br />
<br />
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In the time since Luis's 2013 article, our group has been scouring archaeology and history for cases where we can try out the model. Scott Ortman initiated this work with his studies of the settlement in the prehispanic Basin of Mexico. We've published a number of studies, and a bunch more are in the pipeline. Scott has even found the same scaling effects in village societies. The data requirements are heavy (a sample of 30 or more settlements from a given region and time period, with population estimates and other quantitative data to scale against population). If you think you know of any such cases, please let me know!<br />
<br />
We have found the same quantitative relationships in modern and ancient settlement systems. This suggests that the same or very similar fundamental social processes operate when humans come together in settlements, whether today or two thousand years ago. Energized crowding--which is at a much higher level in larger settlements--has measurable effects on the density of settlement, and on the levels of economic and social outputs. In this figure, Graph A shows economic output measures for the modern U.S. economy, while Graph B shows wealth output for the ancient Inka economy. Quantitatively these two graphs are nearly identical. Both exhibit "superlinear scaling," with beta coefficients of 1.13.<br />
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So, how far can we push these relationships? Are they universal? Well, not quite. Hunter-gatherer campsites show very different patterns from the agricultural societies we have studied so far. This is something we are working on now. But for most systems we have examined, we find similar patterns, and when we apply Luis's model, we conclude that energized crowding turns settlements into social reactors.<br />
<br />
For some other posts on the scaling work, see:<br />
<ul>
<li> <a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/02/cities-as-social-reactors.html" target="_blank">Cities as social reactors</a>.</li>
<li><a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/03/settlement-scaling-and-social-science.html" target="_blank">Settlement scaling and social science theory</a></li>
</ul>
See our <a href="http://www.colorado.edu/socialreactors/" target="_blank">project website</a> for more information.<br />
<br />
<br />
Bettencourt, Luís M. A. 2013 The Origins of Scaling in Cities. <i><b>Science</b></i> 340: 1438-1441.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0162678" target="_blank">Cesaretti, Rudolf, Luís M. A. Bettencourt, Jose Lobo, Scott Ortman, and Michael E. Smith </a>2016 Population-Area Relationship in Medieval European Cities. <i><b>PLOS-One</b></i>: 11:(10) e162678. . <br />
<br />
Ortman, Scott G., Andrew H.F. Cabaniss, Jennie O. Sturm, and Luís M. A. Bettencourt<br />
2014 The Pre-History of Urban Scaling. <i><b>PLOS-one</b></i> 9 (2): e87902.<br />
<br />
2015 Settlement Scaling and Increasing Returns in an Ancient Society. <i><b>Science Advances</b></i> 1 (1): e1400066.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-11-044.pdf" target="_blank">Ortman, Scott G. and Grant D. Coffey 2015 Universal Scaling: Evidence from Village-Level Societies. SFI Working Paper, vol. 15-10-044. Santa Fe Institute, Santa Fe. </a> <br />
<br />
<a href="http://bit.ly/2aHXpGk" target="_blank">Ortman, Scott G., Kaitlyn E. Davis, José Lobo, Michael E. Smith, Luis M.A. Bettencourt, and Aaron Trumbo 2016 Settlement Scaling and Economic Change in the Central Andes. Journal of Archaeological Science 73: 94-106. .</a><br />
<br />
<a href="https://www.academia.edu/29477031/_Energized_Crowding_and_the_Generative_Role_of_Settlement_Aggregation_and_Urbanization_n.d._2016_" target="_blank">Smith, Michael E. 2017 The Generative Role of Settlement Aggregation and Urbanization. In Coming Together: Comparative Approaches to Population Aggregation and Early Urbanization, edited by Attila Gyucha. State University of New York Press, Albany</a>.<br />
<br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-50215787164412355692016-11-12T17:19:00.000-07:002016-11-12T17:19:59.945-07:00Anthropologist Anthony Leeds on cities<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh-ST74RfVjVp1uryDz7-zakC5qBRWqOMJiV3WOO4fBef3Ov4pyJr1aKgLBhZvqGpQ3kiNIZZKP0-6Pyz0MIT9EdszBSSkMRVtJxbNt7XQQeLMCFNVhYEmlFgUbYeZS5YFk7r8bcG4ayJA/s1600/Leeds.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="223" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh-ST74RfVjVp1uryDz7-zakC5qBRWqOMJiV3WOO4fBef3Ov4pyJr1aKgLBhZvqGpQ3kiNIZZKP0-6Pyz0MIT9EdszBSSkMRVtJxbNt7XQQeLMCFNVhYEmlFgUbYeZS5YFk7r8bcG4ayJA/s320/Leeds.jpg" width="320" /></a>Anthony Leeds (1925-1989) was an urban anthropologist back in the days when anthropologists made important contributions to understanding cities and urbanism (today "urban anthropology" means studying globalization in this city, studying neoliberalization in that city, but never looking at urbanism or cities from a comprehensive perspective).<br />
<br />
Leeds was a productive ethnographer of the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. But for this blog, his claim to fame is the conceptual advances he made in understanding the nature of cities and rural-urban relations.<a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2015/08/are-rural-and-urban-always-very.html" target="_blank">I blogged about his ideas on rural-urban relations last year</a>. I recently came across some notes I took on his publications, and they reminded me of some of his other creative ideas. Here I will go over three of his contributions, all of which are discussed in his 1979 article listed below: (1) his criticism of urban studies for being overly dependent on modern western cities and ignoring early and non-western cities; (2) his discussion of the different types of specialization that are associated with urbanism; and (3) his rural-urban framework.<br />
<b><br /></b>
<b>(1) Urban studies.</b> Here are some quotes from Leeds (1979). I sometimes think that in this blog I am channeling his ideas:<br />
<ul>
<li>“Most
current discussion of ‘urbanism’ and ‘urbanization’ can be shown to be ethno-
and temprocentric and based on a historically particular class of urban
phenomena and urban forms of integration.” (p.227)</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>“Generalizations
are then made about ‘urbanism’ and ‘urban society’ based essentially on the
urban experience of the past few hundred years, apparently without the
realization that all urban phenomena of the past four or five hundred years
have been ineluctably affected by the expansion of the capitalist system, in
short by the development of what Wallerstein calls the ‘World System.’ The
generalizations are, then, in fact not about ‘urbanization’ in general but
about a single form of ‘urbanism’ or ‘urbanization,’ its evolution, and its
acculturational by-products.” (228)</li>
</ul>
This is one of the critiques anthropologists make of the other social sciences: you cannot look only a modern western society and use that to generalize about all of humanity. Our ancestors lived for millennia in very different ways that people live today. If you want to generalize about humanity or human society, please do so from a reasonable sample! And while you are at it, please don't make up imaginary patterns of non-western or early human behavior (this last is directed at economists......).<br />
<br />
<b>(2) Specialization. </b> People are always tossing around the term "specialization" when they talk about cities or complex societies. But there are different types and concepts of specialization, with different implications for society. We need to be clear which type we are talking about. Leeds (1979) identifies three types of spcialization:<br />
<ol>
<li><u><i>Specialization of localities.</i></u> Different places within a system are often the settings for different types of activities or institutions. When a particular type of activity is limited to a few locations, and/or those locations are the setting for a high level of that type of activity, then we can say that the place is specialized. There is a differentiation of functions among places.</li>
<li><u><i>Specialization of the components of technology</i></u>. In this sense, the various aspects of technology can be specialized. Tools, materials, techniques, housings, tasks, activities, labor/skills, and knowledge can all be specialized, often (but not always) within a single large settlement.</li>
<li><i><u>Specialization of institutions</u></i>. This kind of specialization highlights differences between large complex societies and small-scale societies. In complex settings such as today's western nations, institutions such as government, religion, and education are specialized. But in small-scale societies, these institutions tend to be bundled together and their activity spread widely among the people. Instead of schools, everyone is responsible for education; instead of having an organized religion, religious knowledge and activities are widely distributed among people.<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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</li>
</ol>
Leeds goes on to relate these to the concept of urban: "I define 'urban' as the interacting confluence of all three of these specializations." (p. 230) I'll stop here, because I'm not sure this is a productive way to define urban or cities. But the concepts of specialization are important.<br />
<br />
<b>(3) Rural and urban</b>. In the 1979 article I am writing about, Leeds briefly outlines his ideas of rural and urban, but the best discussion is in a paper from 1980. For Leeds, any society that has cities is entirely an urban society. That is, urban is not the opposite of rural. "Rural" refers to a set of specialized locations (agriculture, mining, forests, mountains) within an encompassing urban society. This is a functional definition of urban and rural: These are defined not as absolute entities of their own, but rather as places within a regional system have have particular functions.<br />
<br />
All three of these ideas are productive, and they help us see urbanism not as a unitary phenomenon consisting of the cities on a Google map today. Rather, the urban world extended far back into the past, and around the world. And when we look at any urban society, we find that cities and their (specialized) activities transform the entire society. <a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2015/08/are-rural-and-urban-always-very.html" target="_blank">I cover this in greater depth in my older post.</a> <br />
<br />
When I discovered the work of Anthony Leeds, a couple of decades ago, a memory came back from my undergraduate days at Brandeis University. Leeds came to give a lecture at Brandeis, and my professors urged the anthropology majors to attend (just as I urge the majors to attend these talks today). Later, I recalled two things about that lecture. First, I didn't understand it at all! And second, I recalled the title, which I liked, "Some unpleasantries on peasantries."<br />
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<br />
I highly recommend the work of Anthony Leeds. Many of his articles were assembled after his death into a nice edited volume (this includes the 1980, but but not 1979 paper). The introductory essay by Roger Sanjek (another outstanding urban anthropologist) is very good. <br />
<br />
The organization formerly known as the Society for Urban Anthropology offers the annual Anthony Leeds Award in Urban Anthropology. The society is now called, "The Society for Urban, National, and Transnational / Global Anthropology." What a joke, this is a signal of the decline of urban anthropology as a productive field (back in the days of Anthony Leeds) to a later diffuse existence where scholarship is not about cities, but rather cities are merely places to study other issues. Anyway, don't get me started here about the decline and fall of urban anthropology. Go look at the works of Anthony Leeds.<br />
<br />
Leeds, Anthony<br />1979 Forms of Urban Integration: 'Social Urbanization' in Comparative Perspective. Urban Anthropology 8: 227-247.<br /><br />1980 Towns and Villages in Society: Hierarchies of Order and Cause. In Cities in a Larger Context, edited by T. Collins, pp. 6-33. University of Georgia Press, Athens.<br /><br />1994 Cities, Classes, and the Social Order, edited by Roger Sanjek. Cornell University Press, Ithaca.<br /><br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-22720770044110758862016-10-10T17:29:00.000-07:002016-10-10T17:29:11.968-07:00Were ancient societies more egalitarian than we had thought?<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLuaJJsksHcxauabrXl85oqZxi5pZgOO7McPQ_LIsWZQqinDIphflNaewZTd75schvgm7PfElpQiMn6J7dnacQ4Sn609HEf_7egK2Oo4strlcVcUZygfaAMWnWiLcu7b7Vj5-zbh6LffU/s1600/InequalityGraphic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLuaJJsksHcxauabrXl85oqZxi5pZgOO7McPQ_LIsWZQqinDIphflNaewZTd75schvgm7PfElpQiMn6J7dnacQ4Sn609HEf_7egK2Oo4strlcVcUZygfaAMWnWiLcu7b7Vj5-zbh6LffU/s320/InequalityGraphic.jpg" width="260" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: black;">I just got a request from a journalist to comment on the notion that archaeologists are now finding that ancient societies may have been more egalitarian than archaeologists had once thought. Here is a pretty close version of my response:</span></div>
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<span style="color: black;">First, it doesn’t mean much to say that ancient societies were more or less
egalitarian than we had thought. For hunter-gatherers and small-scale farmers,
the situation is the reverse. Traditional models held them to be egalitarian,
and we now know that many cases (but far from all) had significant levels of
inequality. Some of the papers in our recent Amerind symposium show this. While
this isn’t a particularly new idea, it has taken scholars some time to
acknowledge this, and we now have better quantitative data. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi4aTHDxauPYH1HZNWeDvQOjLEVj0Me-_8gutjhzm6HsymX4bjQSCYryTOESjXZ_6lOavoyCYNZbrY5q8Bn9fKGEZeBE1krBP1zxv_ZEq72SIAJiFsyqSS8-1foCDoYSXpPs_3kp6VRuwA/s1600/Slaves-Egypt-3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="254" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi4aTHDxauPYH1HZNWeDvQOjLEVj0Me-_8gutjhzm6HsymX4bjQSCYryTOESjXZ_6lOavoyCYNZbrY5q8Bn9fKGEZeBE1krBP1zxv_ZEq72SIAJiFsyqSS8-1foCDoYSXpPs_3kp6VRuwA/s320/Slaves-Egypt-3.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: black;">For state-level societies, I don’t
know of any overall scholarly trend of saying things were more or less unequal than
thought previously. We now know that there was tremendous variation in how
ancient states were organized. One trend, though, is that scholars (and the
public, and certainly the National Geographic Society) used to think all
ancient kings were autocratic and despotic, ruled their people with an iron
fist, and controlled everyone’s life. Pyramids built by slaves being whipped by
overseers was a common image. Few archaeologists will admit to this view, but they
dress it up in fancy theoretical terms (Foucaultian power, hegemony, and such)
that say the same thing: ancient rulers tried to control everyone's life.</span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilrMvFdjFIK8gZ3T5qj02I66xgVjufKp0XZzjdTD2OQxmcoiegL8rcWsQ0pCYE6kw4FexHzs3DVYwGgK5_yv0-UB80pabJ-1V8UJWsszFQfw4nUN39P-T0zQMQmnzTCoRYADLjBtYEsco/s1600/FoucaultJoke.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilrMvFdjFIK8gZ3T5qj02I66xgVjufKp0XZzjdTD2OQxmcoiegL8rcWsQ0pCYE6kw4FexHzs3DVYwGgK5_yv0-UB80pabJ-1V8UJWsszFQfw4nUN39P-T0zQMQmnzTCoRYADLjBtYEsco/s320/FoucaultJoke.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: black;"></span><span style="color: black;">The biggest advance in understanding ancient
states in the past few decades is Blanton and Fargher’s 2008 book.They show that premodern states
(all of their cases are based on historical or ethnographic data, not archaeological) can be arranged
along a continuum from autocratic to collective. They have rigorous methods of
measuring their scale in each of 30 societies, and they have a theory that explains the variation. Basically, if
you have to tax your subjects, then you must be nice to them, provide public
goods and not be too tyrannical; these are more collective regimes. But if your
revenue comes from outside (say, from trade or conquest), then you can treat your
subjects like dirt, and be despotic. There is a counter-intuitive element
here, which is that collective regimes mess with people’s lives to a great
degree (to count them, tax them, and keep track of things) than do autocratic
regimes. This is what Michael Mann calls infrastructural power. Despots leave people alone, they don’t try to control their lives;
they just don’t care what their subjects do. Many archaeologists still have not gotten
the word about this, and they still claim that autocratic tyrants in the past were
trying to control everyone, which is really quite a silly idea when you have read the literature.</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjloAUzPdFmJZbLoxeQu6cXj_qWe_Fm_gME-s0hwMZvsRjCJm0Jgi0JXezs_0VNOgXzGtaoL9NUm_GaGlSepCQdDQV9-XMgm38nP_JUB6FoUeZt6T6PpPFnfagw_JwyAVLJD-t_5J53si8/s1600/BookCover-BlantonFarger.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjloAUzPdFmJZbLoxeQu6cXj_qWe_Fm_gME-s0hwMZvsRjCJm0Jgi0JXezs_0VNOgXzGtaoL9NUm_GaGlSepCQdDQV9-XMgm38nP_JUB6FoUeZt6T6PpPFnfagw_JwyAVLJD-t_5J53si8/s320/BookCover-BlantonFarger.jpg" width="213" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: black;">Unforetunately, Blanton and Fargher's model has
taken a long time to get established. I don’t fully understand why, although it
might be due to the fact that some parts of archaeology has become very post-modern and humanities-oriented, with fashionable social theory being more important than
scientific methods and data. Blanton and Fargher are scientific and empirical,
so lots of archaeologists ignore their work for that reason alone. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: black;">The implication of this for the basic question (about levels of inequality in the past) is that it seems to be the case that more collective regimes are
associated with lower levels of social inequality than are more autocratic
regimes. This is certainly the case for the modern world (democracies have less
inequality than dictatorial regimes, etc.). But for the premodern world, this
association has yet to be established conclusively. Unfortuantely, Blanton and Fargher do not address the question of levels of inequality. Our Amerind seminar project may
support it – but that will depend on some synthetic data analysis that is only
just now starting. So, IF this association of regime type with inequality holds
up for ancient times, then the recognition that collective regimes were far
more widespread than thought (i.e., collective rule did not begin all of a sudden in
Athens), does suggest that many ancient state socieites had lower
levels of social inequality. But the proof is in the pudding, and I’m not
willing to come out and declare this conclusion until we have analyzed the
data.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhodp0tBBBnZy1s4MGJvLer07sxqWBR6RmrxmADlanFLADrPqYROkjvIQdMGN1QwjRgbEpUc0v1yJJ8fxaR-yeG2urQtWANF6Jz1Us6Zj7zu03o0X6QBfDj2RmuRpbX78M1reikTSxXqSs/s1600/HenryVIII.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhodp0tBBBnZy1s4MGJvLer07sxqWBR6RmrxmADlanFLADrPqYROkjvIQdMGN1QwjRgbEpUc0v1yJJ8fxaR-yeG2urQtWANF6Jz1Us6Zj7zu03o0X6QBfDj2RmuRpbX78M1reikTSxXqSs/s1600/HenryVIII.jpg" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: black;">Also, there is an ideological
element to claims of lower inequality in the past. It is true that
archaeologists are now working more on houses and households, not just
considering kings and pyramids. And one common tendency is to claim that these
ancient people we study were more successful and independent and prosperous
that we used to think. But given that our old models were completely
unrealistic pictures of domination and suppression, the new ideas are due less
to new findings than to theoretical fashions and changes.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: black;">That said, I do think I have made
a case for prosperous Aztec commoners in my book, At Home with the Aztecs.
Check out the book’s website for some journalistic articles and publicity that
covers some of the content. <a href="http://smithaztecbook.wikispaces.asu.edu/">http://smithaztecbook.wikispaces.asu.edu/</a></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2nixfNHGyqj6oykbjrGgXQ06c_XKl-ZwSBXXwNTbkU4jbT0-DnAbzftCUkRef3GZicIRKqRSP3ws5qyEOXLJY_-IgtSGES8BAdMQlCC2joMN68lTnmzIj6H0dD1R-sIaFHUgvI5M4x20/s1600/AHA-CoverModel-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2nixfNHGyqj6oykbjrGgXQ06c_XKl-ZwSBXXwNTbkU4jbT0-DnAbzftCUkRef3GZicIRKqRSP3ws5qyEOXLJY_-IgtSGES8BAdMQlCC2joMN68lTnmzIj6H0dD1R-sIaFHUgvI5M4x20/s320/AHA-CoverModel-LR.jpg" width="213" /></a></div>
<br /><br />
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<span style="color: black;">Blanton, Richard E. and Lane F. Fargher (2008) Collective Action in the Formation of Pre-Modern States. Springer, New York.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: black;"><br />Mann, Michael (1984) The Autonomous Power of the State: Its Origins, Mechanisms and Results. European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie 25:185-213.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: black;"><br />Mann, Michael (2008) Infrastructural Power Revisited. Studies in Comparative International Development 43:355-365.<br /><br />
</span></div>
Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-26538991509943804012016-08-09T15:49:00.000-07:002016-08-09T15:49:07.795-07:00My journey in settlement scaling<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I
am posting today from beautiful Santa Fe, NM. I am here to attend a meeting of
our working group on settlement scaling in the ancient world. Our article on
scaling at Inka sites was accepted by the Journal of Archaeological Science,
and it was posted online yesterday (Ortman et al. 2016):<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBBfCrvVWaAA_0BeG3EHIC-kEWL0pRTBBRO_Wi8rHzhDO17fWfIEesN_2iOwIDh2ysvGPkzXuW2ECOzpSi-EcJn5LUt6d_ABqQJxKOBphnDt3qt2qGO3I-iL8yFTIQYv2I_r2_quNVSeg/s1600/MantaroTerraces.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="214" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhBBfCrvVWaAA_0BeG3EHIC-kEWL0pRTBBRO_Wi8rHzhDO17fWfIEesN_2iOwIDh2ysvGPkzXuW2ECOzpSi-EcJn5LUt6d_ABqQJxKOBphnDt3qt2qGO3I-iL8yFTIQYv2I_r2_quNVSeg/s320/MantaroTerraces.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Mantaro region, Peru</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</span></div>
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<a href="http://bit.ly/2aHXpGk" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Ortman,
Scott G., Kaitlyn E. Davis, José Lobo, Michael E. Smith, Luis M.A. Bettencourt,
and Aaron Trumbo 2016 Settlement Scaling and Economic Change in the Central Andes. Journal of Archaeological Science 73: 94-106</span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">This
paper is a particularly important step in our long-term objective of exploring
the application of settlement scaling theory in the ancient world. To explain
why, let me step back to 2013, when I first got involved with this project. I
was invited to the Santa Fe Institute in summer 2013 to explore the notion that
urban scaling theory should be applicable to ancient cities. Luis Bettencourt
and Jose Lobo had been working on scaling in contemporary cities for some time,
and Scott Ortman had begun to explore an application to the pre-Spanish Basin
of Mexico. They were interested in how an expert in ancient cities would react
to this research. I knew nothing of scaling when first invited, so I tried to
read up on the topic before my visit to Santa Fe.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">It
was fascinating to me that the quantitative expression of many urban attributes
could be predicted by city size in groups or systems of cities in the modern
world. Many key economic features are amplified in urban settings, to a greater
extent in larger than smaller cities. In economic geography, these changes
associated with large cities are called "agglomeration effects." My
reading of economic geography and urban economics in 2013 led me to think that
agglomeration effects and quantitative regularities in contemporary city
systems were due to processes in the contemporary economy. That is, these
regularities were produced by the globalized capitalist economy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I
went up to the Santa Fe Institute ("SFI") in 2013 ready to argue that
these scaling regularities should NOT apply to ancient cities. Ancient
economies were not capitalist: wage labor was limited or non-existent, land was
not a commodity, and the whole structure and functioning of the economy in
ancient state societies was radically different from the contemporary situation
(the advanced economy of imperial Rome may be a partial exception, though).
"You guys are barking up the wrong tree" was the essence of my
message for the scaling folks at SFI.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLkERPxUzuW0osdph6w7Td203-5GlgvwXuMr68hUWDZvToFNqxUznR43h4aiyKJKiPGF7HqUWVHMGBm9WVxPdAT8MhcVyEeTXIB6yc4oXW3q9mdeHMVXgG8kLAEiAPuky_uH87iSnVmjo/s1600/SantaFeInstitute.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLkERPxUzuW0osdph6w7Td203-5GlgvwXuMr68hUWDZvToFNqxUznR43h4aiyKJKiPGF7HqUWVHMGBm9WVxPdAT8MhcVyEeTXIB6yc4oXW3q9mdeHMVXgG8kLAEiAPuky_uH87iSnVmjo/s320/SantaFeInstitute.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Within
a couple of hours of my arrival at SFI, however, Luis, Jose and Scott had
convinced me that the scaling regularities were NOT dependent upon the
capitalist economy. Luis had just published his paper in Science (Bettencourt
2013). This paper presents a quantitative model that predicts, rather
precisely, the scaling regularities observed in city systems today. But the
model is not based on wage labor, firms, private property, industrial
production, or other attributes of the modern capitalist economy. Instead, it
is based on the way individuals move and interact within the confines of the
urban built environment. Networks of individuals, interacting socially and
exchanging information, were the foundation of Luis's model.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgVA8_I8X5EGGRUxFrrdgTOmTwT1jXSVp7JTvLxBR5_PqZF8fTixzGbuSiogoS03oswwE6Qnde8kHrsqJgM4iLXvrOh_SIzK7cg72gw54-inQoodANhpwUWiy-PU8bm1d0Ae58LcfrVsUI/s1600/ScalingPlot.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="247" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgVA8_I8X5EGGRUxFrrdgTOmTwT1jXSVp7JTvLxBR5_PqZF8fTixzGbuSiogoS03oswwE6Qnde8kHrsqJgM4iLXvrOh_SIzK7cg72gw54-inQoodANhpwUWiy-PU8bm1d0Ae58LcfrVsUI/s320/ScalingPlot.png" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">If
Luis is correct (and I have since come to accept that he is), then there is no
logical reason why premodern cities should not exhibit the same regularities
found in modern city systems. I found this possibility quite exciting, and
immediately set out to explore it further. This first meeting was on a Monday, and
I was scheduled to give a public lecture at SFI on Tuesday. The theme of that
lecture was the way ancient cities differed form modern cities, and how that
implied urban scaling should not work in the ancient world! I had to scramble
to revise my slides and lecture. That talk was later turned into a paper,
coauthored with Jose, about the similarities and differences between ancient
and modern cities (Smith and Lobo n.d.).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Anyway,
logic suggested that the processes underlying Luis's 2013 model should also
have operated in cities before capitalism. Furthermore, there was no reason why
these processes should not apply to smaller, non-urban settlements. That is,
village systems should exhibit the same scaling regularities. I started working
in two directions to explore the possibility that scaling would apply to
ancient and nonurban systems of settlement.<b> First,</b> I had to convince myself
that this was indeed the case. The scaling framework implies (but evidently
does not require) that in any urban system, people were able to move around
easily, from the countryside into cities, and between cities. Yet many people
in anthropology and history believed that peasants were typically tied to their
fields and did not move as much as people do today. So I looked into the extent
of geographical mobility in the ancient world, and found that movement was more
prevalent and extensive than many had thought. This was published in World
Archaeology (Smith 2014).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">A
central concept in the scaling model is the notion that interactions among
individuals, and the exchange of information that takes place, is one of the
driving forces of social and economic change. This idea came out of economics.
But if such interaction is so crucial, then why hadn't I heard about this in
anthropology and sociology? After all, these fields are devoted to the study of
how individuals interact and exchange information. Again, I had to convince
myself that this concept made sense in terms of how anthropologists and
sociologists understand society. I had to make sure this wasn't another case of
economists making up silly things about individuals and their behavior in order
to preserve the purity of their models. Lo and behold, this concept of the
generative role of social interactions is in fact quite common in the other
social sciences. Perhaps it was my own ignorance that had prevented me from
seeing this, or perhaps issues are simply not framed this way in anthropology
and sociology. So I wrote a paper on this, which is now in press in an edited
volume (Smith n.d.). I focused on architectural historian Spiro Kostof's
concept of "energized crowding" in cities as a good label for the
basic processes involved.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">So,
I have now convinced myself that the scaling framework fits with what we know
of societies and cities in both ancient times and in the nonwestern world. They
say that converts make the biggest fanatics, so maybe that explains my
excitement about scaling. But my enthusiasm is based to a major extent on the
<b>second direction</b> of my work scaling: the empirical study of quantitative
patterns in ancient settlement systems. This work is truly a group effort. Our
new paper on Andean scaling is a good example.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Since
our first session in 2013, we have been scouring archaeology and history for
datasets that can be used for scaling. The data requirements are actually
somewhat stringent for past urban systems. Even where we have decent population
figures for an urban system, it is hard to measure economic productivity or the
other variables we want to scale against population. We had a couple of working
groups, with colleagues invited to Santa Fe.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Scott
has taken the lead in most of the archaeological cases. Beyond his initial
forays into the Basin of Mexico settlement pattern data (Ortman et al. 2014, 2015),
Scott has found the scaling regularities in a couple of samples of North
American village societies (Ortman and Coffey 2015). He and his students took
the lead with the Andean data in our new paper; I mainly contributed some
contextual and framing information. I made sure we emphasized that the Inca
were one of the few large-scale ancient state societies that did not have
markets, money, or commercial exchange. The fact that we find, again, the same
scaling regularities in a society with a non-commercial economy is simply
astounding; this is one of the major points of significance for the new paper.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEja3HRZDTH1Zf0aUbq5JeFQObBPdKneIMFfZXFjvyxyoQ3FGuQ93jABALSHLxBbeE-17dfUvrSQCz1xUPcQtbsijVOQ7u5lT8OhR1QyTJ5o6MKmJOsEsRNX-TZnjpMBab4BBcjqntvoXmc/s1600/MedievalScaling-Map.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEja3HRZDTH1Zf0aUbq5JeFQObBPdKneIMFfZXFjvyxyoQ3FGuQ93jABALSHLxBbeE-17dfUvrSQCz1xUPcQtbsijVOQ7u5lT8OhR1QyTJ5o6MKmJOsEsRNX-TZnjpMBab4BBcjqntvoXmc/s320/MedievalScaling-Map.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>My student Rudy Cesaretti was our RA on
this project a year ago, and he took charge of a study of scaling in medieval
European towns (Cesaretti et al. 2015). This is a great dataset with fantastic
results. I wish PLOS-One would get off their duff and complete the review! Rudy
is now working on a paper that uses data from Henry VIII's beard tax to show superlinear scaling! I want to
be a co-author just so I can add "Henry VIII" and "beard
tax" to my CV! I took the lead in applying the scaling methods to the
question of plaza size at Mesoamerican settlements. We included a sample of
Aztec-period sites (Smith 2005), and Alanna Ossa contributed data from her own
research on plazas in the Mixtequilla area of Veracruz (Ossa 2014), and we
found some published data on the Palenque region. When we scaled plaza size
against population, we got statistically regular results, but they don't match
any known scaling coefficient. Oops. What is going on? And now Scott's
post-doc, Jack Hanson, has produced the first scaling paper on Roman cities
(still in preparation, I think).</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdXZ2hIW7fnwEvHU7t081xaX2jUA88tw2M1RizPbf7cQyO8Xfhi5dbIUrYeWTCc9GDcka7UJG7mKIcU-4ofNu6bmK1wtpFvAgZ7l21ibMmnlspHX0yL3LiINDyIZW_rMBP2rocAqoFzlE/s1600/HenryVIII.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdXZ2hIW7fnwEvHU7t081xaX2jUA88tw2M1RizPbf7cQyO8Xfhi5dbIUrYeWTCc9GDcka7UJG7mKIcU-4ofNu6bmK1wtpFvAgZ7l21ibMmnlspHX0yL3LiINDyIZW_rMBP2rocAqoFzlE/s1600/HenryVIII.jpg" /></a><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">We
now have a good conceptual foundation, and empirical results supportive of
Luis's scaling model are piling up. We will have a symposium at the 2017
meeting of the Society for American Archaeology. Settlement scaling is
expanding through the historical and archaeological records. Resistance is
futile. I'll bet if we scaled the size and structure of ships like the Borg
collective and the Enterprise against their population, we would not be
surprised by the results.</span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdkjLqYNkC3YCYUQa5GFN6digw7RySA1I8f1P75TFP5d5k3x1Lr4n8WkhG88cZ1jXou6_f2xvDNbcJ8TIBBvlD2rTsG6ZqE0sLYvNbOD3mj4pqCcaRt3UuHqYXfoXYA3_dpx9hfdgLRvY/s1600/Borg.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdkjLqYNkC3YCYUQa5GFN6digw7RySA1I8f1P75TFP5d5k3x1Lr4n8WkhG88cZ1jXou6_f2xvDNbcJ8TIBBvlD2rTsG6ZqE0sLYvNbOD3mj4pqCcaRt3UuHqYXfoXYA3_dpx9hfdgLRvY/s320/Borg.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I
would guess that many people remain dubious about this enterprise.
Personally I am baffled and amazed at our results. Wow, where does all this
cross-cultural and cross-historical regularity come from? As my ASU colleague
Charles Perreault has pointed out, there is nothing in our background in
anthropology that would have predicted these results, or that can explain them. So, go read some of
these works and see for yourself why a growing number of scholars are getting
excited about settlement scaling.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Bettencourt,
Luís M. A.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">2013<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Origins of Scaling in Cities. Science 340:
1438-1441.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-10-036.pdf" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Cesaretti,
Rudolf, Luís M. A. Bettencourt, Jose Lobo, Scott Ortman, and Michael E. Smith</span></a></div>
<a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-10-036.pdf" target="_blank">
</a><div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-10-036.pdf" target="_blank">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Population-Area Relationship in Medieval
European Cities. SFI Working Paper, vol. 15-10-036. Santa Fe Institute, Santa
Fe.</a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-10-036.pdf" target="_blank"> </a> </span>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Ortman,
Scott G., Andrew H.F. Cabaniss, Jennie O. Sturm, and Luís M. A. Bettencourt</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">2014<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Pre-History of Urban Scaling. PLOS-one 9
(2): e87902.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">2015<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Settlement Scaling and Increasing Returns in an
Ancient Society. Science Advances 1 (1): e1400066.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-11-044.pdf" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Ortman,
Scott G. and Grant D. Coffey</span></a></div>
<a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-11-044.pdf" target="_blank">
</a><div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><a href="http://www.santafe.edu/media/workingpapers/15-11-044.pdf" target="_blank">2015 Universal Scaling: Evidence from Village-LevelSocieties. SFI Working Paper, vol. 15-10-044. Santa Fe Institute, SantaFe. </a>.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="http://bit.ly/2aHXpGk" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Ortman,
Scott G., Kaitlyn E. Davis, José Lobo, Michael E. Smith, Luis M.A. Bettencourt,
and Aaron Trumbo</span></a></div>
<a href="http://bit.ly/2aHXpGk" target="_blank">
</a><div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><a href="http://bit.ly/2aHXpGk" target="_blank">2016 Settlement Scaling and Economic Change in theCentral Andes. Journal of Archaeological Science 73: 94-106</a>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>.</span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Ossa,
Alanna</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">2014<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Plazas in Comparative Perspective in
South-Central Veracruz from the Classic to the Postclassic period (A.D. 300-1350).
In Mesoamerican Plazas: Arenas of Community and Power, edited by Kenchiro
Tsukamoto and Takeshi Inomata, pp. 130-146. University of Arizona Press,
Tucson.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Ossa, Alanna, Michael E. Smith, José Lobo, and Scott Ortman (n.d.) The Size of Plazas in Mesoamerican Cities: A Quantitative Analysis and Social Interpretation. (paper under review)<br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.academia.edu/2976007/City_Size_in_Late_Postclassic_Mesoamerica_2005_" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Smith,
Michael E.</span></a></div>
<a href="https://www.academia.edu/2976007/City_Size_in_Late_Postclassic_Mesoamerica_2005_" target="_blank">
</a><div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.academia.edu/2976007/City_Size_in_Late_Postclassic_Mesoamerica_2005_" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">2005 City Size in Late Postclassic Mesoamerica.Journal of Urban History 31: 403-434.</span></a></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.academia.edu/10582343/_Peasant_Mobility_Local_Migration_and_Premodern_Urbanization_2014_" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">2014 Peasant Mobility, Local Migration, andPremodern Urbanization. World Archaeology 46 (4): 516-533.</span></a></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">n.d.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Generative Role of Settlement Aggregation
and Urbanization. In Coming Together: Comparative Approaches to Population
Aggregation and Early Urbanization, edited by Attila Gyucha. State University
of New York Press, Albany.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Smith, Michael E. and José Lobo</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">n.d.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Cities
through the Ages: One Thing or Many? (unpublished ms).</span></div>
Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-75679454960503870052016-07-04T14:52:00.001-07:002016-07-04T14:52:41.345-07:00How do neighborhoods form?Neighborhood organization is one of the few universals of urban structure. All cities, past and present, all over the world, are organized into neighborhoods. Sometimes neighborhoods are planned from the start by officials or commercial builders. Think of all the ready-made suburban neighborhoods built by developers today, with their phony bucolic- or English-sounding names. Or consider company towns, whether ancient Egyptian workers settlements or capitalist factory cities like Pullman, Illinois. The planners build in neighborhoods from the get-go. If they aren't planned out in advance, however, neighborhoods spring up on their own. People interact with those living nearby, new residents move into areas where they know people, or where people are like them culturally, and before long there are neighborhoods that are clear to residents and visitors alike.<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7myZN5Zt5U-Iqs4-xV_Gzk5mEBCmQcp_yiyGU7ZdFzygwthj5n1feKK4TtSa6QP2OAGnxQ50jT7UUl20Jm-qAYMSdFPKGeJe-xN-YTeITRACAiIGZqL5fLoiNx-kDTo5xKZL5scsHFZ8/s1600/AncModernNeighbor.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="185" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7myZN5Zt5U-Iqs4-xV_Gzk5mEBCmQcp_yiyGU7ZdFzygwthj5n1feKK4TtSa6QP2OAGnxQ50jT7UUl20Jm-qAYMSdFPKGeJe-xN-YTeITRACAiIGZqL5fLoiNx-kDTo5xKZL5scsHFZ8/s320/AncModernNeighbor.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Neighborhoods: suburban U.S., Ottoman city; Chinese city</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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One of the best ways to look at certain urban processes, to my mind, is to examine "semi-urban" places. These are places where large numbers of people gather together, often on a temporary basis. They aren't really cities--they aren't permanent enough. After a while, people leave and go home. But when people gather in one place, a certain "energized crowding" takes place (<a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/02/cities-as-social-reactors.html" target="_blank">see my post on Cities as Social Reactors</a>), and by looking at what happens, we gain a better understanding of urban processes and activities.<br />
<br />
So, here I want to take a quick look at three very different kinds of semi-urban settlements (a company town, a protest camp, and the Burning Man festival) to see how neighborhoods develop. This post is based on a recent article (Smith et al. 2015) that looks at neighborhoods in a wider range of semi-urban settlements. I won't cite a bunch of sources here; see that article for citations and a more scholarly treatment.<br />
<br />
<b>Abadan, Iran, Company Town: Top-Down Neighborhood Formation</b><br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg76v5zQlWtFqLJBD7HBwSUfWJShiqdN-BiM6lLPiVwerc36pHlq4HDd0Uw1BKGDGjXUllAqwVhoFSki45qHxqHXiZpqlX7dEoEt8ENYVieUQUOUHztSLA6f_U5GTFyi2sBOULoKAopc40/s1600/Deir+el+Medina-Reconst.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="186" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg76v5zQlWtFqLJBD7HBwSUfWJShiqdN-BiM6lLPiVwerc36pHlq4HDd0Uw1BKGDGjXUllAqwVhoFSki45qHxqHXiZpqlX7dEoEt8ENYVieUQUOUHztSLA6f_U5GTFyi2sBOULoKAopc40/s200/Deir+el+Medina-Reconst.JPG" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Deir el-Medina, ancient workers village</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
The company town is a settlement planned and established by a central organization to house its workers so that they can work more efficiently. They tend to exhibit careful planning and regularity of housing; they show some evidence of the central authority; and they are physically set off from their neighboring settlements. We tend to think of company towns as modern features, used by capitalist enterprises. But the basic concept goes back to ancient Egypt at least. Pharaohs set up walled settlements that archaeologists call "workers villages" to house construction workers, or temple personnel. This was not by any means a capitalist economy, yet the form, function, and goals of workers villages matched closely those of a 19th century town like Pullman, Illinois. These settlements are one of the main types of what Kevin Lynch called "<a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2011/06/city-as-practical-machine.html" target="_blank">the city as a practical machine</a>."<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYwVtr8sctYvUlcC26AvgQgAXUQ3z4DFWnSV4uBLBHxq6FQHJPx37zXMuik4fy_2105k_LEtDU-d3sTHSIk8j3DkGLAkxQ0BJ7ybgFrBT3PUYuD30fZyXa3ioXXkR1AfvOz6knbLp9rFo/s1600/Anglo-PersionKerosene.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="144" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYwVtr8sctYvUlcC26AvgQgAXUQ3z4DFWnSV4uBLBHxq6FQHJPx37zXMuik4fy_2105k_LEtDU-d3sTHSIk8j3DkGLAkxQ0BJ7ybgFrBT3PUYuD30fZyXa3ioXXkR1AfvOz6knbLp9rFo/s200/Anglo-PersionKerosene.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
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My example here is Abadan, an oil refining town set up in the early 20th century in Iran by the Anglo-Persion Oil Company (later known as British Petroleum). The company knew they would need to bring in workers from several national/cultural groups, and they were worried about possible trouble that could come if members of these groups could easily mingle with one another. So thay arranged the housing in a big band around the outside of the refinery, and <br />
they kept individual neighborhood units separate from one another. The British executives and engineers were in one area, and various local and Near Eastern groups were distributed in other areas.<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiodv1_850PyDp1hl5SdBfiLsR9uf_b-_fqVQwDZtBIvV7eBLsMO-gcDoBbI8J_GQZN1a9dNQDaX9FJNs-xSvozg2eN3atCApxYBVmhl2hbXskzjMysh3SHP34OG3HeUhGd3GAHeqoE1w/s1600/N-967-AbadanNeighborhoods-WitihClearedZones-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="222" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiodv1_850PyDp1hl5SdBfiLsR9uf_b-_fqVQwDZtBIvV7eBLsMO-gcDoBbI8J_GQZN1a9dNQDaX9FJNs-xSvozg2eN3atCApxYBVmhl2hbXskzjMysh3SHP34OG3HeUhGd3GAHeqoE1w/s320/N-967-AbadanNeighborhoods-WitihClearedZones-LR.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Neighborhoods laid out around the refinery, which was in the center</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhq0Hv7b-NSV5XDfVnQPs93c6gIPekaLpdm0n2tL0TPhGaCGFDNeYz7vq8_kNGvHkd_zN1RCGyzkq5B1tBMfRhEpmvXBznNFnGUU5dkHB_PD7ujwKLk5UdMTv_G92GbFVPgxRWODtLOFHY/s1600/Abadan-4.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="217" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhq0Hv7b-NSV5XDfVnQPs93c6gIPekaLpdm0n2tL0TPhGaCGFDNeYz7vq8_kNGvHkd_zN1RCGyzkq5B1tBMfRhEpmvXBznNFnGUU5dkHB_PD7ujwKLk5UdMTv_G92GbFVPgxRWODtLOFHY/s320/Abadan-4.JPG" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">British neighborhood in Abadan</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
The plan to settle groups in physically separate neighborhoods was quite deliberate, as research into company archives has shown (see Smith et al 2015 for citations). So, Abadan ended up with a system of neighborhoods, distinguished culturally and socially, as a result of deliberate planning from the <br />
top. Such "designed neighborhoods" are also found in other company towns, and in other regimented planned settlements such as internment camps.<br />
<br />
<b>Occupy Portland Protest Camp: Bottom-up Neighborhood Formation</b><br />
<br />
Information from the Occupy Portland camp was gathered by Katrina Johnston-Zimmerman for her MA thesis. Katrina is an interesting urbanist; check out her <a href="https://thinkurban.org/" target="_blank">"Think Urban" website</a> or her Twitter feed. As an undergraduate at Arizona State University, Katrina worked for our interdisciplinary urban project, <a href="http://cities.wikispaces.asu.edu/" target="_blank">"Urban Organization through the Ages.</a>" She conducted ethnographic fieldwork during the "Occupy Portland" event of 2011. This was one of the many local protest camps that spring up following the initial Occupy Wall Street settlement.<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjSEWdS_0IH_BKrLCBmAVapPHixP8Gf8p2NaFIqmJOEMlyAQvFCdJ3ExPwj_lcpESeLBYxKDqaQmXEMWQsyTqkTCvmDY6itbipckJNwnVgDi_LYia9M-WokabBpXdYxSCQDVlbfV6rTsgo/s1600/Portland-Katrina-1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="239" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjSEWdS_0IH_BKrLCBmAVapPHixP8Gf8p2NaFIqmJOEMlyAQvFCdJ3ExPwj_lcpESeLBYxKDqaQmXEMWQsyTqkTCvmDY6itbipckJNwnVgDi_LYia9M-WokabBpXdYxSCQDVlbfV6rTsgo/s320/Portland-Katrina-1.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Occupy Portland camp. Photo by Katrina Johnston-Zimmerman</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
What Katrina found was that the campers in Portland quickly formed spatial clusters of like-minded people who spent time together. They set up their tents near one another. These groups took on names. In short, these were neighborhoods. This is a clear example of the bottom-up route to neighborhood formation. People created neighborhoods on their own, following their needs and interests. No one came along and organized the campsite. In fact, the participants in the Occupy Portland event refused to submit to a top-down organization. Someone pointed out that the campsite looked messy. If they reorganized it to look neater, with tents in nice rows, then the authorities would be less likely to tear it down. (This is a basic principle in informal settlement invasions in Latin America; local governments are far less likely to destroy shantytown settlements when they have neat streets and lots than when they are a mess). But, true to their anarchist orientation, the participants refused to submit to this top-down structure. The messy, grass-roots organized spatial organization of neighborhoods was too strong to be torn apart in an effort to please city officials.<br />
<br />
<b>The Burning Man Festival: From Anarchy to Planning</b><br />
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<b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvVRFi0Jxqp_U4jsb9K8mQZploSEYiWJib0f3KxVvxToaNk5RfHw4K_x7v3AResxDx4FPDUiDgCF_RzPd9veZJ78JOlg3BvGSxeVgE7HJkk1VEXdntHeFkbjLSMAdquMyfMqROx3ViDnE/s1600/BurningMan-1.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvVRFi0Jxqp_U4jsb9K8mQZploSEYiWJib0f3KxVvxToaNk5RfHw4K_x7v3AResxDx4FPDUiDgCF_RzPd9veZJ78JOlg3BvGSxeVgE7HJkk1VEXdntHeFkbjLSMAdquMyfMqROx3ViDnE/s1600/BurningMan-1.jpeg" /></a></b></div>
<br />
<br />
The annual Burning Man festival in the Nevada desert is a fascinating case study of a semi-urban settlement. What began as a bonfire on the beach in San Francisco in th 1980s has grown into a huge annual campsite with as many as 70,000 week-long residents. It has always been a festival of arts and free expression, run with a series of anarchist principles, including radical inclusion, decommodification, communal effort, radical self-reliance, and leave no trace. The entire settlement is taken down each year, all traces are removed or destroyed, and then it is planned, surveyed, and built again the following year. Urbanists have only just begun to study Burning Man, and there is much to learn there about cities, urbanization, and social patterns.<br />
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The Burning Man site is on federal land, and the festival receives a permit each year. As the festival grew during the 1990s, people naturally gravitated toward specific areas, forming neighborhoods. These were linked by friendship and social bonds, as well as by interests (e.g., all-night loud parties in one area; campers with small children in another). But by 1996, the event had grown too large to function on its anarchist principles. People were shooting guns in crowded places, driving cars too fast and destroying tents and injuring people. The government threatened to shut down the festival (by denying the permit) unless more order were achieved.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivpa2BtjHeZpg4U_Ak60gJts5DVH9vKA9OAHJy0ARqMGktjyDm-xssvo-kaJP6odPX4dox87S46cEQyg3dRI8EYIjSYba9eJ7qDukozImjw8Aeka-YJZ8zeiV6bALOwMw6MsJTetE-yBE/s1600/black_rock_city_map.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="252" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivpa2BtjHeZpg4U_Ak60gJts5DVH9vKA9OAHJy0ARqMGktjyDm-xssvo-kaJP6odPX4dox87S46cEQyg3dRI8EYIjSYba9eJ7qDukozImjw8Aeka-YJZ8zeiV6bALOwMw6MsJTetE-yBE/s320/black_rock_city_map.gif" width="320" /></a></div>
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Almost overnight, the site -- called Black Rock City -- became a heavily planned settlement, with a circular layout and the burning man tower in the center. There is now a "Department of Urban Planning" in the Burning Man organization. Neighborhoods were either continued, or established anew, again, using social bonds and common interests as defining features. These anarchists were able to submit to some top-down planning in order to continue to celebrate their anti-authoritarian and free-expression values.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiebOLI7F3eoQZbXN3Q2imhZ1hkL8LMkRmFxH9E-2rhG4tc7ONYWbj9oUx0HD2bFFksWIu9-T469hpMrGXySZjJ43FX7sVNDyCTmTVZ1Ev4cFY2D9j0A_80bk8NPL67f12kly2khZOZFUw/s1600/BlackRockCity-Arial.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiebOLI7F3eoQZbXN3Q2imhZ1hkL8LMkRmFxH9E-2rhG4tc7ONYWbj9oUx0HD2bFFksWIu9-T469hpMrGXySZjJ43FX7sVNDyCTmTVZ1Ev4cFY2D9j0A_80bk8NPL67f12kly2khZOZFUw/s320/BlackRockCity-Arial.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<br />
<b>Whereever you look, there are neighborhoods!</b><br />
<br />
These are just three examples of semi-urban settlements with clear neighborhood organization. Our study found neighborhoods at many other types, from Plains Indians tipi camps to refugee camps. The conclusion I draw from this study is that neighborhoods are indeed a universal feature of urban life. Whether created and enforced by authorities (state or corporation), or generated by grass-roots action of individual acting in their own, neighborhoods are an integral and crucial part of urban organization, from the distant past to the present.<br />
<br />
For more details, see:<br />
<br />
<a href="https://www.academia.edu/6566115/_Neighborhood_Formation_in_Semi-Urban_Settlements_2015_" target="_blank">Smith, Michael E., Ashley Engquist, Cinthia Carvajal, Katrina Johnston, Amanda Young, Monica Algara, Yui Kuznetsov and Bridgette Gilliland (2015) Neighborhood Formation in Semi-Urban Settlements. Journal of Urbanism 8(2):173-198.</a><br />Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8270793179032814466.post-49619491593160335512016-06-26T11:31:00.000-07:002016-06-26T11:31:55.112-07:00Why we need to disentangle the concepts of city and state in the ancient world<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Many
people will be puzzled by this title. The city and the state are separate
concepts that refer to very different things. Why would they need to be
"disentangled"? But in my own home discipline—anthropological
archaeology—these two concepts have long been wrapped up together in a single
package. A long-standing goal of anthropological archaeology has been to figure
out the origins of early cities and states. But when cities and states are not
distinguished, that goal has been impossible to reach. Now evidence is
accumulating that archaeologists can't ignore, and it is time to give up the
old view once and for all.</span></div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRjI-38oLuqGFoVqNRiURdDR4soeGxwtoKKU0nVV4qiPRieOlPas80AYdeM0yGYmWvKrXUUB8DgVovyqFWSOYwVn58DlO5vXyIm8GKi6vItKGgPJyktvZuF4cns01Bvlkam12PSpRRets/s1600/CityCausal-6-StateByproduct-LR.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="143" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRjI-38oLuqGFoVqNRiURdDR4soeGxwtoKKU0nVV4qiPRieOlPas80AYdeM0yGYmWvKrXUUB8DgVovyqFWSOYwVn58DlO5vXyIm8GKi6vItKGgPJyktvZuF4cns01Bvlkam12PSpRRets/s320/CityCausal-6-StateByproduct-LR.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Fig. 1: Old archaeological view of state and city origins</td></tr>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Figure
1 shows the standard model for state origins in anthropological archaeology. Various
factors led to the establishment of the earliest states (archaeologists have argued
a lot about the relative importance of those factors). Once states came into
being, cites came along too, for the ride. Archaeologists didn't think that
urbanization required a separate theory. About fifteen years ago I started
focusing my comparative attention on cities and urbanization. I quickly
realized that while these old views were inadequate, they were deeply
engrained. I recall not long ago emailing an Egyptologist with a question about
early cities in Egypt (I forget now just what I asked). This person's response
was, "I can't help you, because I haven't worked on state origins for many
years." Say, what? I hadn't asked anything about states, I had asked about
cities.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I
think one reason archaeologists were slow to separate states and cities, was
because most cities in the ancient world were dominated by politics, and not by
economics. Today, cities are all about economics: factories, production, trade,
commerce, firms, and employment. Political processes play a decidedly secondary
role for most urban issues. But in the deep past, on the other hand, most
cities were all about politics. They were capitals where kings lived, or state
outposts where bureaucrats operated. Economic activity took a back seat to
political activity in generating urban growth and shaping the nature of cities
(Jose Lobo and I develop this theme in a paper now under review, "Cities through
the Ages: One Thing or Many?"). Since cities were essentially political
institutions, it seemed natural to link urbanization to state formation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"> <table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOw6Cb1wyHl5cWENZgQ5p2qs3STM7A5ks8JyINyMrAXd-Uuq0C__IyW1IchGUauPlbD41kyEJB7M6Bq73qv0yX08Ge__L2E5eJpyfQn5SLF_ScRh6662iiGtcKd3DnGgt9UU4TdIkjW8A/s1600/StatesCitiesChick-U785-WithCololr.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="307" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOw6Cb1wyHl5cWENZgQ5p2qs3STM7A5ks8JyINyMrAXd-Uuq0C__IyW1IchGUauPlbD41kyEJB7M6Bq73qv0yX08Ge__L2E5eJpyfQn5SLF_ScRh6662iiGtcKd3DnGgt9UU4TdIkjW8A/s400/StatesCitiesChick-U785-WithCololr.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Figure 2. State traits and urban traits, from Chick (1997:294)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Nevertheless,
cities and states are quite different, whether we are talking about
nation-states today or the early states and empires. Figure 2 shows one small
piece of evidence supporting this idea. This table, from an article by Garry
Chick (1997), shows the results of a factor analysis of a cross-cultural sample
of human societies. The Standard Cross-Cultural Sample is a collection of human
societies described by anthropologists that can be analyzed statistically (see
Ember and Ember 2009). In this study, Garry Chick examined how a number of
social variables were associated in the sample. He identified two factors, or
principal components. Factor 1 has high loadings for variables related to
administration and economics (red box). This shows that these traits are
strongly correlated; they come as a package in some societies. Societies either
tend to have writing, money, and social stratification, or else they tend to
lack these things. These are state-related variables. A second set of variables
scored high on Factor 2: these are urban-related features (residence patterns,
density, urbanization, and agriculture). The interesting thing is that principal
components defines factors that are independent of one another
("orthogonal" is the technical term). That is, knowing the score of a
society on Factor 1 will not help you predict its score on Factor 2. In other
words, urban features are basically independent of state features when a wide
range of human societies is considered.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDhxTT60QC3otrcYJja0QKC5E8tFeemc79oTqOq2OC63IGEXkIctbdzXqKrlv5jV53VYfIwhyphenhyphenf5thY9S3qrEfH3mezpVzpwh54vxELRL1569xoIqD8xCB0QeU4YSOs1IskAYdrUr2tma8/s1600/BookCover-Jennings.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDhxTT60QC3otrcYJja0QKC5E8tFeemc79oTqOq2OC63IGEXkIctbdzXqKrlv5jV53VYfIwhyphenhyphenf5thY9S3qrEfH3mezpVzpwh54vxELRL1569xoIqD8xCB0QeU4YSOs1IskAYdrUr2tma8/s200/BookCover-Jennings.jpg" width="133" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">A
recent book by Justin Jennings, called <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killing
Civilization: A Reassessment of Early Urbanism and its Consequences</i>
provides more evidence for the need to separate cities and states in the
distant past. This is a fantastic book, and I will blog about it in more depth
before long. For now, I want to emphasize one particular strand of Jennings's
argument. He proposes two reasons why archaeologists and anthropologists should
abandon the concept "civilization." First, the concept "helped
justify colonial and racist projects of the 19<sup>th</sup> and early 20<sup>th</sup>
centuries" (p. 266). If some societies are "civilizations" and
others are not, this implies some peoples are civilized and others are not. But
this is more of an evaluation, a value judgment that has often justified racism,
and less of an analytical term. Therefore scholars should give up the concept of
civilization. I agree.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Second,
the idea of civilization—as in "the rise of civilization"—confuses state
formation and urbanization by implying that they are both parts of a single
package that came into being all at once. Much of Jennings's book is devoted to
examples of early urban settlements that developed prior to state organization.
If urbanization preceded state formation, then these two processes must be
disentangled if we are to make any sense at all of early developments. I REALLY
agree!</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">This
last point gets into the broader and very important issue of how urbanization generates changes in
society, and how the results of living together in dense settlements may have
led to early state formation. This is a theme I have been working on recently;
see some of my prior blog posts (such as <a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/02/cities-as-social-reactors.html" target="_blank">Cities as social reactors</a>, or <a href="http://wideurbanworld.blogspot.com/2016/03/settlement-scaling-and-social-science.html" target="_blank">Settlement scaling and social science theory</a>). I have
some papers in press and under review on this topic. But this kind of new
approach only makes sense when archaeologists have actually disentangled
processes of urbanization and state formation. From the point of view of
comparative social-science research on cities, this is a no-brainer. But
some archaeologists still need to wake up to urban reality, and Justin Jennings's
book is a big step in the right direction.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI";">Chick, Garry</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI";">1997<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Cultural
Complexity: The Concept and its Measurement. <i>Cross-Cultural Research</i> 31:
275-307.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI";">Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI";">2009<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i>Cross-Cultural
Research Methods</i>. 2nd ed. AltaMira, Walnut Creek, CA.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI";">Jennings, Justin</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI";">2016<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><i>Killing
Civilization: A Reassessment of Early Urbanism and its Consequences</i>.
University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.</span></div>
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<![endif]-->Michael E. Smithhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03942595266312225661noreply@blogger.com2